Notre Travail s’inscrit dans le cadre théorique du traitement informatique des langues, élaboré et développé au sein du laboratoire Lexiques, Dictionnaires, Informatique (LDI), à l’université de Paris 13. Nous avons proposé l’étude de la notion de cause et de finalité en arabe contemporain, à partir d’un corpus varié. Cette étude se subdivise en deux grands axes. D’abord, il nous a paru nécessaire d’analyser le phénomène, tel qu’il était traité dans la tradition grammaticale arabe. A ce niveau, nous avons concentré notre analyse sur les notions fondamentales et leurs répercussions sur les choix méthodiques des grammairiens et les résultats de leurs descriptions. Montrant l’insuffisance de ces descriptions, plus particulièrement, au niveau de la distinction syntactico-sémantique entre les connecteurs, notre approche trouve sa raison d’application. Nous avons, donc, décrit les emplois des connecteurs causaux et finaux, tout en argumentant leur statut prédicatif de second ordre. Ce nouveau statut attribué à ces connecteurs (verbaux, nominaux, adjectivaux, prépositionnels, ou encore comme locations) conçoit la phrase complexe, comme une structure triadique, à la différence de l’approche grammaticale et linguistique arabe (conception dyadique). La description syntactico-sémantique a permis de montrer qu’on ne peut pas réduire les connecteurs à des simples éléments polysémiques. Chacun apporte une nuance sémantique à l’expression de la cause et de de la finalité. Toutefois, bien que la cause et la finalité s’interfèrent à plusieurs niveaux, elles se distinguent à la base d’une orientation logico-sémantique. L’orientation « rétrospective » caractérise la valeur causale de l’expression, alors que l’orientation « prospective » distingue l’expression finale. Bref, ce travail essaie d’apporter une nouvelle analyse sur un sujet qui n’a pas été traité dans la linguistique arabe. / Our work is conducted within the theoretical framework of computer language processing, designed and developed in the laborary “Lexiques, Dictionnaires, Informatiques” (LDI), at the University of Paris 13. We proposed the study of the concept of cause and purpose in contemporary Arabic language, based on a varied corpus. This study is two-fold. First, we felt it necessary to analyze the phenomenon, as it was treated in the Arab grammatical tradition. At this level, we focused our analysis on the basic concepts and their implications on systematic selection of grammarians’ methodology and the findings of their descriptions. Our approach finds its reason for application by showing the inadequacy of these descriptions. Our approach finds its reason for distinction between connectors. We, therefore, describe the cause and purpose connectors, while arguing their predicative second-class status. This new status assigned to these connectors (verbal, nominal, adjectival, prepositional, or as special) perceives the complex sentence as a triadic structure, unlike the Arabic linguistic and grammatical approach (dyadic design). The syntactic-semantic description showed that we cannot reduce connectors to mere items of meaning. Each brings a semantic nuance to the expression of the cause and the purpose. However, although the cause and purpose do interfere at several levels, they still differ on the basis of a logical-semantic orientation. The “retrospective” orientation characterizes the causal value of the expression, while the “prospective” one distinguishes the expression of purpose. In short, this work tries to bring a new analysis of a topic that was not dealt with in the Arabic linguistics.

As the Twin Towers fell on September 11th of 2001, so fell the U.S. domestic citizenry’s Fourth Amendment right to search, seizure, and general privacy. Beyond the Fourth Amendment, various legal barriers put up to protect citizens’ rights through the advancement of surveillance technology throughout the twentieth century would also fall, succumbing to just one piece of legislation and its subsequent restructuring of government powers: the USA PATRIOT Act. This expansion was explained through the lens of state-of-emergency during war time. The precedence of states-of-emergency as a period when legal and bureaucratic boundaries can be crossed to serve the greater good allowed for the execution of drastic surveillance measures which would previously be confined by the boundaries of law, and to a grieving public and a government scrambling for some sense of national security, this seemed to be the appropriate course of action. But simple state-of-emergency or war-time operations cannot serve to explain the existing capacity for conducting surveillance that the U.S. government seemed to already have within their arsenal, ready to employ on a wide scale. The analysis of domestic surveillance history to follow raises a particular kind of state-of-emergency, a racial state-of-emergency. This notion involves domestic, racial groups and organizations, disenfranchised from legality through perceptions of race, that may serve as playgrounds for surveillance development outside of public scrutiny. It is through these instances, when the existence of racial hierarchies allows for the framing of the political nonconformity of certain racial groups as a valid threat to national safety, that surveillance capacity may be expanded; it is the culmination of instances which allow for surveillance institutions to possess the capability to enact a full-force surveillance state without delay or barrier.

Os Tiros de Guerra são Órgãos de Formação da Reserva (OFR) do Exército Brasileiro que preparam o jovem para compor a reserva mobilizável da Força Militar terrestre, porém com especificidades e objetivos distintos dos da formação do soldado-recruta. Essa tese objetiva analisar a territorialidade militar terrestre no Brasil práticas e ações que se materializam no território e corroboram para sua apropriação a partir do estudo da distribuição e atuação dos Tiros de Guerra e a relação destes com o que preconiza a estratégia militar de presença, definida como uma das estratégias de organização e articulação do Exército Brasileiro. De duzentos e trinta Tiros de Guerra existentes, localizados em vinte e um Estados da Federação, foram pesquisados cento e cinqüenta e oito, mediante entrevistas com Chefes de Instrução e aplicação de questionários. Constatou-se que esses órgãos militares sofreram mudanças estruturais no que se refere à sua funcionalidade e ao público-alvo. De órgãos alternativos para que as elites locais se eximissem do serviço militar obrigatório em organizações militares da ativa, converteram-se em órgãos que absorvem os jovens mais desfavorecidos socialmente para a prestação do serviço militar. Comportam-se como vetor de convergência doutrinária patriótico-militar, caracterizando-se como uma rede de malha elástica estratégica institucional. Atendem, prioritariamente, a territorialidade institucional e promovem a apropriação simbólica do território municipal, em consonância com o poder político local. Corroboram com a estratégia militar de presença de maneira bastante limitada no aspecto combativo, todavia voltam-se à estratégia sociopolítica institucional no sentido de permanência e aceitabilidade da organização militar terrestre. Assim, validam uma presença institucional que, todavia, não se restringe à presença material, mas traduz-se numa inserção na malha social do município. / The Gunmen Instruction Units for Second Class Reserve are Military Organizations of the Brazilian Army that are responsible for forming its Reserve (OFR), preparing the youth to constitute the mobilizable terrestrial Military Force, however, with different objectives and specificities in comparison to the ordinary soldier-recruit formation. This academic work aims to analyse the military territoriality of land in Brazil practices and actions that are materialized in territory and corroborate its appropriation based on the study of the distribution and the work of the Gunmen Instruction Units in their relation with the military strategy of presence, defined as one of the strategies of organization and articulation in the Brazilian Army. One hundred fifty-eight of the two hundred thirty Gunmen Instruction Units located in twenty-one States of the country were studied through interviews with Chief Instructors as well as through questionnaires. It was verified that these Organizations have undergone structural changes in terms of their purpose and their public. From alternative organizations with which local elites individuals avoided the obligatory military service in ordinary military organizations, the Gunmen Instruction Units have become shelter for socially unprotected young people. The Units, thus, work as vectors of convergence for patriotic and military doctrine, playing the role of a strategic elastic mesh net in the institution. They cover, mostly, the institutional territoriality and promote the symbolic appropriation of municipal territory in agreement with local political power. Although the Gunmen Instruction Units corroborates the military strategy of presence in a very timid way in terms of combat purposes, it has succeeded in the socialpolitical strategy of the institution concerning permanence and acceptability of the terrestrial military organization. Thus, the Gunmen Instruction Units validate an institutional presence that is not limited to a material reality but it is also inserted and expressed in the social mesh of the municipal district.

Os Tiros de Guerra são Órgãos de Formação da Reserva (OFR) do Exército Brasileiro que preparam o jovem para compor a reserva mobilizável da Força Militar terrestre, porém com especificidades e objetivos distintos dos da formação do soldado-recruta. Essa tese objetiva analisar a territorialidade militar terrestre no Brasil práticas e ações que se materializam no território e corroboram para sua apropriação a partir do estudo da distribuição e atuação dos Tiros de Guerra e a relação destes com o que preconiza a estratégia militar de presença, definida como uma das estratégias de organização e articulação do Exército Brasileiro. De duzentos e trinta Tiros de Guerra existentes, localizados em vinte e um Estados da Federação, foram pesquisados cento e cinqüenta e oito, mediante entrevistas com Chefes de Instrução e aplicação de questionários. Constatou-se que esses órgãos militares sofreram mudanças estruturais no que se refere à sua funcionalidade e ao público-alvo. De órgãos alternativos para que as elites locais se eximissem do serviço militar obrigatório em organizações militares da ativa, converteram-se em órgãos que absorvem os jovens mais desfavorecidos socialmente para a prestação do serviço militar. Comportam-se como vetor de convergência doutrinária patriótico-militar, caracterizando-se como uma rede de malha elástica estratégica institucional. Atendem, prioritariamente, a territorialidade institucional e promovem a apropriação simbólica do território municipal, em consonância com o poder político local. Corroboram com a estratégia militar de presença de maneira bastante limitada no aspecto combativo, todavia voltam-se à estratégia sociopolítica institucional no sentido de permanência e aceitabilidade da organização militar terrestre. Assim, validam uma presença institucional que, todavia, não se restringe à presença material, mas traduz-se numa inserção na malha social do município. / The Gunmen Instruction Units for Second Class Reserve are Military Organizations of the Brazilian Army that are responsible for forming its Reserve (OFR), preparing the youth to constitute the mobilizable terrestrial Military Force, however, with different objectives and specificities in comparison to the ordinary soldier-recruit formation. This academic work aims to analyse the military territoriality of land in Brazil practices and actions that are materialized in territory and corroborate its appropriation based on the study of the distribution and the work of the Gunmen Instruction Units in their relation with the military strategy of presence, defined as one of the strategies of organization and articulation in the Brazilian Army. One hundred fifty-eight of the two hundred thirty Gunmen Instruction Units located in twenty-one States of the country were studied through interviews with Chief Instructors as well as through questionnaires. It was verified that these Organizations have undergone structural changes in terms of their purpose and their public. From alternative organizations with which local elites individuals avoided the obligatory military service in ordinary military organizations, the Gunmen Instruction Units have become shelter for socially unprotected young people. The Units, thus, work as vectors of convergence for patriotic and military doctrine, playing the role of a strategic elastic mesh net in the institution. They cover, mostly, the institutional territoriality and promote the symbolic appropriation of municipal territory in agreement with local political power. Although the Gunmen Instruction Units corroborates the military strategy of presence in a very timid way in terms of combat purposes, it has succeeded in the socialpolitical strategy of the institution concerning permanence and acceptability of the terrestrial military organization. Thus, the Gunmen Instruction Units validate an institutional presence that is not limited to a material reality but it is also inserted and expressed in the social mesh of the municipal district.

Main goal of this thesis is to test efectivity of teaching grammar school literature based on one book only. Secundary goal is to make teaching of historical literature for grammar's school first and second year students more attractive. This thesis is based on five worksheets, every one of them is designed for different literary aim. All of them are based on book "Můj Golem" wrote by Marek Toman. Lectures are governed by three-phase model of teaching which combines different methods for work with pupils. This thesis proofs that, use of one book in long-term tuition with different attitude, combined with appropriate goals and attractive methods, is one way to teach literature. Also this thestis helps making rather unpopular subject of historical literature more attractive to students.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse au sujet de la citoyenneté telle que vue par treize personnalités musulmanes influentes du Québec. Ces personnes sont largement impliquées dans différentes sphères des affaires publiques, telles que religieuse, politique, communautaire, académique et économique. L’objectif de l’étude qualitative de ces entrevues de type ouvert est de comprendre comment ces personnes perçoivent leur citoyenneté et les expériences personnelles sociales qui influencent leurs visions respectives à partir de la sémantique de leur articulation de la relation de la foi musulmane avec la notion de citoyenneté. Le contenu de ces entrevues a été soumis à une analyse de discours et nous en avons ressorti « une théorie de la citoyenneté chez les musulmans du Québec » basée sur des définitions différentes de la citoyenneté : une citoyenneté qui est « à part entière » en contradiction avec une autre de « seconde zone » ou de « seconde classe », toutes les deux définies par un ensemble de droits et de devoirs. Cette logique de définition de la citoyenneté se justifie par un cumul d’identités durant la trajectoire personnelle de chacun en faisant intervenir ses priorités et ses préoccupations courantes tout en trouvant sa source d’inspiration dans l’islam. La nationalité canadienne/québécoise se complète par l’islam comme mode de vie au sein de cette définition de la citoyenneté, selon cette même logique, à l’intérieur d’une idéologie nationaliste canadienne. / We are focusing on the study of citizenship as seen by a group of influential Muslim people, extensively involved in public affairs in various fields: social, religion, politics, community and academic. This group of thirteen persons has been questioned in an open interview manner about citizenship with a goal to understand how they perceive their citizenship and which social experiences influence that vision and shape their position. The qualitative analysis using a discourse analysis methodology brings out a “Muslim Quebecers theory of citizenship” based on different definitions of citizenship: a "global citizenship" that is "full" at odds with one another labeled as "second class citizenship", both defined by a set of rights and duties. This logic of definition is defined by a set of identities cumulated during their personal experience and shaped by their current priorities as social actors. It has its roots in Islam as a spiritual referential. In other cases the citizenship is defined by the completion of the local Canadian/Quebecer nationality by Islam as a lifestyle within a Canadian nationalist ideology.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse au sujet de la citoyenneté telle que vue par treize personnalités musulmanes influentes du Québec. Ces personnes sont largement impliquées dans différentes sphères des affaires publiques, telles que religieuse, politique, communautaire, académique et économique. L’objectif de l’étude qualitative de ces entrevues de type ouvert est de comprendre comment ces personnes perçoivent leur citoyenneté et les expériences personnelles sociales qui influencent leurs visions respectives à partir de la sémantique de leur articulation de la relation de la foi musulmane avec la notion de citoyenneté. Le contenu de ces entrevues a été soumis à une analyse de discours et nous en avons ressorti « une théorie de la citoyenneté chez les musulmans du Québec » basée sur des définitions différentes de la citoyenneté : une citoyenneté qui est « à part entière » en contradiction avec une autre de « seconde zone » ou de « seconde classe », toutes les deux définies par un ensemble de droits et de devoirs. Cette logique de définition de la citoyenneté se justifie par un cumul d’identités durant la trajectoire personnelle de chacun en faisant intervenir ses priorités et ses préoccupations courantes tout en trouvant sa source d’inspiration dans l’islam. La nationalité canadienne/québécoise se complète par l’islam comme mode de vie au sein de cette définition de la citoyenneté, selon cette même logique, à l’intérieur d’une idéologie nationaliste canadienne. / We are focusing on the study of citizenship as seen by a group of influential Muslim people, extensively involved in public affairs in various fields: social, religion, politics, community and academic. This group of thirteen persons has been questioned in an open interview manner about citizenship with a goal to understand how they perceive their citizenship and which social experiences influence that vision and shape their position. The qualitative analysis using a discourse analysis methodology brings out a “Muslim Quebecers theory of citizenship” based on different definitions of citizenship: a "global citizenship" that is "full" at odds with one another labeled as "second class citizenship", both defined by a set of rights and duties. This logic of definition is defined by a set of identities cumulated during their personal experience and shaped by their current priorities as social actors. It has its roots in Islam as a spiritual referential. In other cases the citizenship is defined by the completion of the local Canadian/Quebecer nationality by Islam as a lifestyle within a Canadian nationalist ideology.

My thesis is focused mainly on my own electronic work sheets for children with limited hand mobility - the second class of elementary school. The introduction deals with methodology of chosen topics which I have used in my work sheets. I compare teaching methods which I have used with alternative ones. The main part of my thesis aims at SMART Board 10 software for interactive whiteboard which I have used for creating my work sheets, secondly on its use, thirdly on its tools from the tool kit and at last but not at least on description of my work sheets. I also describe the teaching of a physically disabled girl with limited hand mobility that I have taught. The conclusion consists of summarizing my experience with teaching based on my work sheets and assessing my teaching lessons.

The content of the thesis is a proposal of steel load-bearing structure (carrying structure of a steel) bridge of the span of 31+74+31m with the bottom bridge deck taking over the second-class road in the territory of Olomouc city. The bridge deck is created by composite steel-concrete slab with crossbars. The solution was focused on using arched construction in the middle of the bridge with different tilt of arches to the horizontal central axis of the bridge. Under the term of the solution four alternatives have been calculated. The most optimal solution was selected and processed in detail. The calculations were made in compliance with the Czech technical norms ČSN EN.