Environmental justice activists defined an environmental justice, or community-led, research practice as an alternative conception of science to guide epidemiological investigations of the human health effects of hazardous wastes. Activists inserted their position into an ongoing scientific controversy where multiple epidemiologies existed--environmental, dumpsite, and popular--reflecting various understandings and interests of federal and academic epidemiologists, state public health officials, and anti-toxics activists. A 1991 national symposium on health research needs and the National Environmental Justice Advisory Council, established in 1993 to advise the Environmental Protection Agency, provided important locations through which activists advocated an environmental justice research approach and pressed for its adoption by relevant governmental public health institutions. The shaping of environmental justice research by activists raises intriguing issues about the role of science and expertise in political protest and the importance of democratic participation in the making of environmental policy. / Ph. D.

Sustainable agriculture constitutes an internationally recognized critique of conventional agricultural practices. The criteria defining sustainable agriculture are diverse and, in some cases, contradictory. However, proponents of sustainable agriculture do not aggressively question such diversity in the movement. This study attempts to highlight the variation in subjective meanings attached to sustainable agriculture, reflected in its goal to improve quality of life. The social construct of gender makes a difference in how these farmers define quality of life. This social construction in turn affects participation in the sustainable agriculture movement. At the root of these gendered differences is that life goals and daily experiences for men farmers within the family have changed significantly as their involvement in the movement has intensified. Much of what men emphasize in describing quality of life reflects the values the sustainable agriculture movement itself espouses; the collective identity of the sustainable agriculture movement resonates with these male farmers. For their wives, descriptions of quality of life are largely entwined with their multiple and highly elastic gendered roles and responsibilities on the farm, in the household, and in paid and unpaid work in the community, and much less with their involvement in the movement. Women’s life experiences on the farm and in the community are different from their husbands’ experiences, lending a distinctively gendered shape to quality of life. They report indicators of quality of life outside of the movement’s collective identity boundaries. Because women’s unique contribution to the farm and family are not institutionally recognized and addressed by the sustainable agriculture movement, the collective identity of the movement is gender-specific, reflecting a male normative. / Master of Science

To the extent that the United States is a post-industrial society, whereby the means and ends of social production are social, and the production and reproduction of knowledge are shaped by reflexivity and continuous reconceptualizations of reality, what it means to be "tolerant" has been subjected to multiple ideologies. Supposedly freed from collectively imposed identities, social scientists have argued that in a postmodern society, individuals actively construct their own identities. In this study, it is questioned how multiple, trans-class and trans-disciplinary identities affect beliefs and behavior. Subject to exploration are expressions of tolerance, embodied as the expression of attitudes toward the following groups of traditionally nonconforming individuals: atheists, communists, racists and homosexuals. Using 1993 General Social Survey data, independent attitudinal variables were constructed from indexed items measuring opinions about ideas embraced by three "new" social movements: the women's, environmental and gay rights' movements. Socio-structural and attitudinal variables were regressed on tolerance, the dependent variable, which was divided into general and group-specific indexes. Education and urbanism were shown to be significant predictors of tolerance, while gender and political ideology were not significant predictors of tolerance. Positive correlations resulted between general tolerance and pro-feminist, pro-environmentalist and pro-gay rights attitudes. In conclusion, the prediction that individuals scoring high on measurements of feminism, environmentalism and pro-homosexuality, which all expound ideological convictions that refute traditional norms and value systems, would also demonstrate high levels of tolerance was greatly substantiated. Lending support for Bobo and Licari's (1989) argument, it is agreed that demographic, or social structural, variables alone are insufficient determinants of tolerance. Furthermore, although new social movements are chiefly organized around identity, rather than class, issues, even historically "tolerant" individuals, such as feminists, were shown to be less tolerant of certain groups, such as, in this study, racists / Master of Science

No / This paper argues that recent struggles against neoliberal axioms such as free trade and open markets have led to a militant reframing of global civil society by grassroots social movements. It contests that this struggle to invest the concept of global civil society with transformative potential rests upon an identifiable praxis, a strange attractor that disturbs other civil society actors, through its re-articulation of a politics that privileges self-organization, direct action, and direct democracy. The paper further suggests that the emergence of this antagonistic orientation is best understood through the lens of complexity theory and offers some conceptual tools to begin the process of analyzing global civil society as an outcome and effect of global complexity

Researchers often focus on unconventional political participation. Protest activities have been examined and it can be said that participation in legal activities is no longer unconventional, it is accepted widely nowadays. The primary focus presently is on goal-oriented protest participation, like new social movements. The main goal of this paper is to find factor solutions for the movements to establish patterns concerning overall attitudes towards new social movements. Causal models will be developed for Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, France and Great Britain. The normative belief in new social movements will be examined by using ideological variables like the left-right dimension, the materialist- post-materialist scale, a measurement of social change, education and age. The aim is to establish certain patterns among the countries and to find a model that fits all countries. / M.S.

This dissertation investigates the role of digital media for contentious collective action. More precisely, it focuses on German anti-asylum-shelter (AAS) groups on Facebook and the way these organizations’ usage of platform affordances can be read from an adaptation of the framework of Modes of Coordination (MoC) of collective action. To do so, the thesis starts with an inquiry of the theoretical debate on the role of information and communication technology for social movements and collective action and highlights some misconceptions and discrepancies, especially on the role of formal organizations (chapter II). It argues to carefully explore the different interorganizational ties that form between AAS-groups and the networks that emerge from these in light of the two dimensions of resource exchange and boundary definition. After that, chapter III provides detailed accounts of case selection and data collection and of the research questions that structure the subsequent analyses. To answer these, chapter IV-i explores the temporal and spatial activity patterns of AAS-groups both on- and offline, finding a clear correspondence between the two. Chapter IV-ii uses topic modelling to explore the content of groups’ communication, identifying a narrative of the reasonable and peaceful in-group and a combination of criminal (asylum-seekers), treacherous (politicians) and lying (press) outgroups. This clearly debunks a narrative of centrist “concerned citizens” and shows the deeply racist and right-wing extremist nature of AAS activity. The third empirical part (chapter IV-iii) discusses five types of networks that emerge from groups’ activities and combines these into four different MoC. We can identify a prevalence of the organizational mode of coordination, that involves limited exchange in terms of both resource exchange and boundary definition. However, a small but dense network also emerges from those ties that are defined by the social movement mode. Exponential Random Graph Modelling shows that while spatial proximity is a key determinant for tie formation across all modes, the role of formal organizations (right-wing parties) must not be dismissed. In fact, it differs both by party and by MoC in question. Overall, as chapter V sums up, the dissertation proves the relevance of a relational perspective to the study of digitally mediated collective action in general, as well as of an adapted framework of MoC in particular.

published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

Building codes are socio-technical regulations that govern the manner in which the built world is designed, constructed, and maintained. Instituted in order to protect the health, safety, and welfare of humans in the built world, codes also serve as an index of always changing societal values. If codes do not co-evolve with social values, however, they often perpetuate standards that no longer reflect the priorities of mainstream society. As crises arise and as cultural practices change, regulatory institutions are charged with creating new or amend old codes to reflect these societal shifts. Emergent social values are often dismissed by the general public, misrepresented by their political representatives, or abstracted by the louder voices of the market and the state. In a few critical moments in modern history, however, society successfully adopted and institutionalized previously underrepresented values into urban form. Social movements provide a primary venue for such paradigmatic change. They do this through the production of new knowledge that aims to alter the cognitive praxis of its citizenry and to generate the momentum required to codify grassroots ideals into the built world. Exploring how this confluence of socio-technical innovation functions within the built world, this dissertation addresses the primary research question: What is the relationship between urban social movements, the values they espouse, the building codes they construct, and the liberative function of the spaces produced? In this dissertation, I investigate three established and one emerging social movement to discern the characteristics of democratic code formation that lead to civic urban form. These four case studies are analyzed in terms of their origins, the claims made, strategies employed, and outcomes achieved. Patterns are then extrapolated from this analysis to identify qualities of collective action that contribute to the codification of civic urban form. The research discussed herein was conducted in two phases to develop a historical base from which to evaluate contemporary efforts to codify civic urban form. The first phase of this exploratory investigation tells the story of three intrinsically valuable, but also comparable case studies of social change in the United States: the community development strategy pursued by the civil rights movement, the architectural accessibility platform advocated by the disability rights movement, and efforts to institutionalize new building practices through voluntary building assessment systems by the environmental movement. The second phase extrapolates patterns from the established cases to inform the investigation of proto-movements currently coalescing around issues of spatial justice. Both phases are then reflected upon in order to propose a theory of civic urban form that recognizes the dialectic between social movements, emergent social values, building codes, and the physical spaces they inform. The thesis statement underlying this dissertation is that urban social movements in the U.S. require a myriad of different activist organizations— radical and mainstream, professional and grassroots— to simultaneously employ diverse strategies through an integrated frame of collective action in order to institutionalize new types of civic urban form. Based on the theoretical framework developed to conceptualize the production of civic urban form, I go on to argue in the concluding chapters that urban social movements currently seeking various means to codify the tenets of sustainable development in the United States might benefit from couching their collective actions within an integrated action frame of spatial justice. / text

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-17T17:39:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina de Mello Gomide.pdf: 3026184 bytes, checksum: 94806272b517d195ec2500f455c3712d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-17T17:39:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina de Mello Gomide.pdf: 3026184 bytes, checksum: 94806272b517d195ec2500f455c3712d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This present thesis aimed to study the World March of Women – WMW - as a network of feminist social movements in their historical process and ways of acting locally and globally in the 2000s. It sought to know what are the potential and challenges that the configuration of WMW as a network of social movements brings to face the oppression and domination forms experienced by women. The main conceptual references handle Social Movements, Networks, Networks of Social Movements and Feminist Movements. From the methodological point of view, nature of the research is qualitative, in the case study, and included documental bibliographic and field researches. Eight testimonies of participants of the research were collected, whose content analysis showed that network configuration of social movements of WMW favors the articulation of the various feminist movements and others social movements around a common platform, locally and globally, to combat various forms of oppression and domination experienced by women. This outcome evidences, however, that for a convergent political performance, the set of WMW member institutions have the need to overcome difficulties in order to construct common agendas to various organizations, while respecting the objectives and forms of action of different groups / A presente tese teve como objeto de estudo a Marcha Mundial das Mulheres – MMM, enquanto uma rede de movimentos sociais feminista, em seu processo histórico e formas de atuação em nível local e global nos anos 2000. Buscou-se conhecer quais as potencialidades e os desafios que a configuração da MMM como rede de movimentos sociais traz para o enfrentamento das formas de opressão e dominação vivenciadas pelas mulheres. Os referenciais teóricos centrais incidiram sobre os Movimentos Sociais, as Redes, as Redes de Movimentos Sociais e os Movimentos Feministas, a partir de autores dedicados aos estudos dos movimentos sociais e do feminismo. Adotou-se como metodologia a pesquisa qualitativa, na modalidade estudo de caso, com a realização de pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Foram colhidos oito relatos dos sujeitos participantes da pesquisa, cuja análise de conteúdo possibilitou confirmar a hipótese de que a configuração em rede de movimentos sociais da MMM favorece a articulação dos diversos movimentos feministas e outros movimentos sociais em torno de uma plataforma comum de luta, em nível local e global, contra as várias formas de opressão e dominação vivenciadas pelas mulheres. Esse resultado evidenciou, contudo, que para uma atuação política mais convergente, o conjunto de instituições integrantes da MMM tem a necessidade de superação de dificuldades no sentido da construção de pautas comuns a várias organizações, respeitando os objetivos e as formas de atuação e organização dos diferentes grupos

馬柏華. / "2011年6月". / "2011 nian 6 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 198-250). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ma Bohua. / 摘要 --- p.i-iii / 致謝 --- p.iv-vii / 目錄 --- p.viii / Chapter 第一章̐ı‘ --- 問題提出 --- p.1-14 / Chapter 1.1 --- 空間運動:一個困惑的現象及相關研究問題 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 研究問題的重要性及理論脈絡 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- 主要概念界定 --- p.7 / Chapter 1.4 --- 研究對象 --- p.11 / Chapter 1.5 --- 研究的時間框架及事件 --- p.12 / Chapter 第二章̐ı‘ --- 文獻回顧一社會空間理論 --- p.15-38 / Chapter 2.1 --- 全球化理論 --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2 --- 後殖民理論 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3 --- 後物質主義 --- p.29 / Chapter 2.4 --- 其他宏觀視角 --- p.31 / Chapter 2.5 --- 理論的適用程度 --- p.31 / Chapter 第三章̐ı‘ --- 研究方法和研究設計 --- p.39-56 / Chapter 3.1 --- "“共時"" (結構脈絡)與“歷時"" (歷史)並重的研究方法" --- p.39 / Chapter 3.2 --- 採納解釋社會學的原則:盡量站在研究對象的立場作出詮釋 --- p.44 / Chapter 3.3 --- 厚度描述的運用 --- p.48 / Chapter 3.4 --- 原始資料的運用:口述歷史在本研究的優點、缺點與處理方法 --- p.48 / Chapter 3.5 --- 選取受訪者策略及樣本合法性 --- p.53 / Chapter 3.6 --- 次級資料:報章的報導、相關文章及政府文檔 --- p.56 / Chapter 第四章̐ı‘ --- 外在結構性脈絡 --- p.57-104 / Chapter 4.1 --- 都市空間結構變遷:城市再發展階段的張力 --- p.59 / Chapter 4.2 --- 抗爭運動文化的全球化 --- p.63 / Chapter 4.3 --- 全球化與在地知識分子運動:文他研究的傳人、嶺大文化研究系的確立及其影響 --- p.70 / Chapter 4.4 --- 學生組織網絡 --- p.75 / Chapter 4.5 --- 高官問責制的推行 --- p.82 / Chapter 4.6 --- 資訊及溝通科技的普及化 --- p.85 / Chapter 4.7 --- 後殖民時期的經濟、政治與公民社會狀況 --- p.89 / Chapter 4.8 --- 地產霸權 --- p.97 / Chapter 第五章̐ı‘ --- 一場空間運動的爆發(個案部分一) --- p.105-134 / Chapter 5.1 --- 藝術行動者的行動 --- p.106 / Chapter 5.2 --- 宵夜與新聞媒體的報導:首次注意天星事件 --- p.110 / Chapter 5.3 --- "何志平的“謊話"" .核心行動者初到現場" --- p.111 / Chapter 5.4 --- "“偽""行動者的態度、韓農抗爭文他與鷹派的行動" --- p.113 / Chapter 5.5 --- 衝人工地的過程 --- p.119 / Chapter 5.6 --- 保衛意識的誕生:共同社運經驗、天星碼頭的特質與成為主體的渴求 --- p.120 / Chapter 5.7 --- 政治團體與民間團體的缺席:實踐行動的空間 --- p.124 / Chapter 5.8 --- 手機短訊的發放、關條網絡與社運文化 --- p.125 / Chapter 5.9 --- 天星碼頭的拆卸經過:主體性的初現、行動者與空間的進一步扣連 --- p.127 / Chapter 第六章̐ı‘ --- 空間運動的延伸過程(個案部分二) --- p.135-171 / Chapter 6.1 --- 繼續行動的基礎 --- p.135 / Chapter 6.2 --- 天星運動的延續:皇后碼頭的捍衛 --- p.142 / Chapter 6.3 --- Actant的出現:行動意義的演化與本土行動的成立 --- p.143 / Chapter 6.4 --- 餘波:其他民間團體對的再度關注與政府的反應 --- p.147 / Chapter 6.5 --- 弱者的策略(一) :論述的誕生及挪用 --- p.149 / Chapter 6.6 --- 弱者的策略(二) :物質空間的挪用 --- p.163 / Chapter 6.7 --- 運動後期的經過 --- p.168 / Chapter 第七章̐ı‘ --- 空間運動的效果與研究總結 --- p.172-198 / Chapter 7.1 --- 延續?衰落? --- p.172 / Chapter 7.2 --- 政府架構、政策及行動者在觀念上的轉變 --- p.176 / Chapter 7.3 --- 研究結果 --- p.178 / Chapter 7.4 --- 社會空間理論的局限與研究貢獻 --- p.182 / Chapter 7.5 --- 研究展望 --- p.197 / 參考書目 --- p.199-251