In Argentina, indigenous populations have been marginalised from the nation-state’s projects of enfranchisement even though their labour has often been in high demand. The Guaraní of the Argentine Gran Chaco are a case in point. Once highly involved in the extractive frontier economy of the region, they have had very little access to broader political projects of belonging. Over the last few years, however, this historical trend has been reversed. On the one hand, Guaraní settlements currently constitute a surplus population whose labour is no longer demanded by the regional economy. On the other, state-sponsored cash transfer programmes secure the subsistence of Guaraní families while multicultural legislation has sought to enfranchise them in new ways. At the local level, these simultaneous processes of inclusion and exclusion have created a series of tensions and contradictions that mark everyday life. To investigate these processes, this thesis explores the various motivations, opportunities, and challenges that characterise the political and economic life of Guaraní settlements. It considers the gendered impacts of unemployment and welfare dependency at the settlement level and analyses the ways in which autonomy and dependency play out in local politics. This leads to an ethnographic exploration of factional conflict and to an appreciation of how people negotiate legal projects of institutionalisation. It is shown that practices of egalitarianism, hierarchy, autonomy, and representation are intertwined with ideas about gender, work, and plurality. The thesis argues that a concern with abundance lies at the heart of Guaraní life. Two subjunctive moments – an annual harvest celebration and the game of football – are explored as particular instances in which the Guaraní appear to attain such desirable states of abundance; at the same time, it is argued that these moments create a space of ‘illusion’ wherein the gendered ties of dependency and control that underpin abundance are fundamentally misrecognised. The thesis elaborates a theory of Amerindian political economy in which wageless life and abundance partially displace more classic themes of labour and scarcity. In doing so it provides new understandings of how collectivities are fashioned among subaltern populations, while highlighting how inclusion and exclusion are achieved and experienced in the everyday.

This dissertation is a study of the dynamics of armed mobilization and participation in non-state armed organizations in the province of South Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. It asks one of the fundamental questions of the study of violent conflict: Why do people participate in armed groups? In addressing this central question, it also addresses the inter-related questions of how do people come to participate in armed groups and who participates in these groups. I make three main arguments. First, contemporary armed mobilization is driven by two ‘macro’ factors in rural eastern DRC, the necessity to organize and provide protection to the sociopolities that constitute rural eastern Congo on one side, and the more accumulative dynamics of labour mobilization and control that have long characterized the region and have taken novel forms with the development of an economy of predation. The protective dimension in particular has often been left out in recent accounts that have focused or economic agendas of armed groups. Second, the ‘social architecture’ of armed mobilization in the region has changed to reflect the social implantation of armed organizations in rural eastern Congo, resulting from the novel roles they play in these societies and the adaptation of these societies to their presence. As a result, modes of recruitment and control reflect the multi-faceted influence that these organizations have over rural societies. Third, I argue and show that individual determinants of participation are not time invariant, they evolve over time and reflect the changes in outlook and motivations of participants that results from the social implantation of armed organizations, but also as a result of the process of participation. In order to make these arguments, I use a mixed methods approach that combines a qualitative analysis based on interviews carried out during 9 months of fieldwork in the province of South Kivu, and a quantitative analysis based on original panel data collected through a survey of 1072 individuals and 134 villages of South Kivu.

CAPES / Esta pesquisa buscou compreender a perspectiva social dos moradores atingidos pela Hidrelétrica Baixo Iguaçu, com base em teorias de Young (2000; 2006) e Hannigan (1995). O estudo de campo foi realizado com moradores atingidos dos municípios paranaenses de Capitão Leônidas Marques, Capanema, Nova Prata do Iguaçu, Realeza e Planalto. O objetivo foi averiguar a perspectiva social construída pelos moradores atingidos daquele local, em um período limitado para esta pesquisa, devido ao processo de implantação da hidrelétrica ainda estar em andamento. A metodologia utilizada foi: revisão bibliográfica, entrevistas semiestruturadas com os moradores e com as lideranças e análise de conteúdo. No segundo segmento, apresentou-se a contextualização do cenário - as teorias utilizadas e a revisão de literatura sobre a implantação de uma hidrelétrica, as teorias do desenvolvimento que situam este cenário, os conflitos gerados pelos diferentes usos da terra e o licenciamento ambiental. No terceiro segmento, o estudo foi centrado no ator da pesquisa: o morador atingido. Quem são esses moradores e quais são os movimentos sociais e as lutas de resistência. No quarto segmento, os dados foram apresentados, com temas como a indenização; as incertezas; as perdas dos moradores atingidos; as relações comunitárias e a participação no processo. Por fim, pode-se concluir que a perspectiva social dos atingidos pela implantação da hidrelétrica Baixo Iguaçu é construída a partir de sentimentos de ansiedade e insegurança, em que percebem desvantagens no processo, como prejuízos econômicos, psicológicos e sociais, principalmente, oriundos do tempo de espera para a resolução dos conflitos e da conclusão do processo de implantação da hidrelétrica. / This research sought to understand the social perspective of residents affected by the Baixo Iguaçu Hydroelectric based on theories of Young (2000; 2006) and Hannigan (1995). The field study was conducted with affected residents of the municipalities of Paraná Capitão Leonidas Marques, Capanema, Nova Prata do Iguaçu, Realeza and Planalto. The objective was to evaluate the social perspective built by affected residents of that place, in a cropped period for this research due to the deployment of the hydroelectric process being that the conflict is still ongoing. A methodology used literature review, semi-structured interviews with residents and leaders and content analysis. In the second segment, presented the context of the scenario - the theories used and the literature review on the implementation of a hydroelectric, development theories that situate this scenario, conflicts generated by different land uses and environmental licensing. In the third segment, the study was focused on the actor's research, the resident hit. Who are these residents, what are the social movements and resistance struggles. In part four, the data were presented with issues like compensation; uncertainties; losses of affected residents; community relations and participation in the process. Finally, we can conclude that the social perspective of those affected by the implementation of hydroelectric Baixo Iguaçu is constructed from feelings of anxiety and insecurity, they realizes disadvantages in the process, such as economic, psychological and social damage, mainly coming from the waiting time for the resolution of conflicts and completion of the process of implementation of hydroelectric.

CAPES / Esta pesquisa buscou compreender a perspectiva social dos moradores atingidos pela Hidrelétrica Baixo Iguaçu, com base em teorias de Young (2000; 2006) e Hannigan (1995). O estudo de campo foi realizado com moradores atingidos dos municípios paranaenses de Capitão Leônidas Marques, Capanema, Nova Prata do Iguaçu, Realeza e Planalto. O objetivo foi averiguar a perspectiva social construída pelos moradores atingidos daquele local, em um período limitado para esta pesquisa, devido ao processo de implantação da hidrelétrica ainda estar em andamento. A metodologia utilizada foi: revisão bibliográfica, entrevistas semiestruturadas com os moradores e com as lideranças e análise de conteúdo. No segundo segmento, apresentou-se a contextualização do cenário - as teorias utilizadas e a revisão de literatura sobre a implantação de uma hidrelétrica, as teorias do desenvolvimento que situam este cenário, os conflitos gerados pelos diferentes usos da terra e o licenciamento ambiental. No terceiro segmento, o estudo foi centrado no ator da pesquisa: o morador atingido. Quem são esses moradores e quais são os movimentos sociais e as lutas de resistência. No quarto segmento, os dados foram apresentados, com temas como a indenização; as incertezas; as perdas dos moradores atingidos; as relações comunitárias e a participação no processo. Por fim, pode-se concluir que a perspectiva social dos atingidos pela implantação da hidrelétrica Baixo Iguaçu é construída a partir de sentimentos de ansiedade e insegurança, em que percebem desvantagens no processo, como prejuízos econômicos, psicológicos e sociais, principalmente, oriundos do tempo de espera para a resolução dos conflitos e da conclusão do processo de implantação da hidrelétrica. / This research sought to understand the social perspective of residents affected by the Baixo Iguaçu Hydroelectric based on theories of Young (2000; 2006) and Hannigan (1995). The field study was conducted with affected residents of the municipalities of Paraná Capitão Leonidas Marques, Capanema, Nova Prata do Iguaçu, Realeza and Planalto. The objective was to evaluate the social perspective built by affected residents of that place, in a cropped period for this research due to the deployment of the hydroelectric process being that the conflict is still ongoing. A methodology used literature review, semi-structured interviews with residents and leaders and content analysis. In the second segment, presented the context of the scenario - the theories used and the literature review on the implementation of a hydroelectric, development theories that situate this scenario, conflicts generated by different land uses and environmental licensing. In the third segment, the study was focused on the actor's research, the resident hit. Who are these residents, what are the social movements and resistance struggles. In part four, the data were presented with issues like compensation; uncertainties; losses of affected residents; community relations and participation in the process. Finally, we can conclude that the social perspective of those affected by the implementation of hydroelectric Baixo Iguaçu is constructed from feelings of anxiety and insecurity, they realizes disadvantages in the process, such as economic, psychological and social damage, mainly coming from the waiting time for the resolution of conflicts and completion of the process of implementation of hydroelectric.

Os debates no universo conceitual sobre exclusão parecem deixar em segundo plano o foco que ilumina as análises baseadas na injustiça social que propõe pensar a exclusão como processo complexo e multifacetado, do qual a inclusão é parte constitutiva. Diante da ineficiência das propostas no atendimento a adolescentes em conflito com a lei que não tem levado em conta tal complexidade; da visão estigmatizada da sociedade sobre eles; e do número elevado de internações por ano na FEBEM-RP, propôs-se este estudo, com o objetivo de caracterizar a vida cotidiana desses jovens, identificar as percepções, concepções e crenças sobre as experiências vividas e, investigar as propostas de mudanças que possam facilitar o processo de inclusão social de jovens que praticaram delito. Participaram deste estudo onze adolescentes, do sexo masculino, com idades entre 15 e 18 anos, internos na FEBEM-RP, e seis funcionários da instituição. A entrevista individual com roteiro semi-estruturado foi o principal instrumento de coleta de dados, sendo complementada por notas em diários de campo e transcrições de trabalhos grupais. As falas dos funcionários também foram utilizadas como dados complementares para conferir ênfase ao tema que estava sendo abordado. A análise qualitativa dos dados, com enfoque interpretativista, privilegiou os pontos de vista dos entrevistados, iluminando os momentos-chave de sua existência. As análises dos dados mostraram que as várias facetas que compõem o processo de exclusão na vida desses jovens parecem ser apontadas por eles como as dificuldades encontradas para viverem o dia-a-dia longe das infrações. A vida concreta dos adolescentes entrevistados é percebida por eles pela precariedade, não só econômica, mas também de vínculos, que são calcados na violência, na provisoriedade e na instabilidade, perpassados por aspectos psicossociais como estigmatização e culpabilização. A vivência dessa realidade parece gerar sofrimento, freqüentemente, expresso pela revolta como forma de demonstrar a inconformidade diante das condições de existência e dos tratamentos recebidos. A coexistência desses motivos, dentre outros, acrescidos da humilhação, tanto na família como na escola, e da discriminação e truculência com que referem ser tratados pela polícia parecem favorecer a inclusão no mundo do crime. Outra faceta que faz com que estejam inseridos no mundo de forma injusta e pouco digna, diz respeito à vulnerabilidade frente ao desenvolvimento e exercício da vida sexual e reprodutiva, além de se perceberem mais vulneráveis em decorrência das rígidas regras de convivência estabelecidas entre seus pares, que tornam iminente o risco de morte. Referem ser coagidos pela polícia para assumirem delitos que não praticaram, o que parece colaborar para que sejam internos repetidas vezes, perpetuando a idéia de um caminho sem volta. Referem que a FEBEM-RP é um local marcado pela diferença de tratamento que privilegia uns e banaliza o sofrimento de outros. Na vida dos jovens entrevistados, a dialética da exclusão/inclusão também se manifesta pela confirmação, negação ou construção da identidade, que no caso deles, parecem forjadas de maneira a manter as estratégias de regulação de poder, sendo reconhecidos, predominantemente, por seus delitos. Expressam o desejo de parar de infracionar e realizam propostas que incluem a profissionalização, a retomada dos estudos, a aplicação da medida de semiliberdade, dentre outros. Para isso, referem a necessidade de apoio profissional e familiar, dentro e fora da FEBEM-RP, sem os quais a inclusão poderá recair na armadilha de uma inclusão ilusória que discrimina, humilha e gera sofrimento. Para eles, a concretização das propostas pode significar o rompimento de um fatalismo cruel e contribuir para uma inclusão mais digna e justa. / The debates in the conceptual area about exclusion seem to omit the focus that elucidates the social injustice-based analysis that has in view the concept of exclusion as being a complex and multi-faceted process, of which inclusion is an essential part. Facing the inefficiency of the proposals in attending adolescents that come into conflict with the law for not taking into consideration such complexity; also facing the social stigmatized view of these same adolescents; and the increased number of new boarders that FEBEM, in Ribeirão Preto, receives each year, this study has been presented, aiming to point out these youngsters´ daily life, identify the insights, conceptions and beliefs of the lived experiences, and investigate the changeover proposals that might favour the social inclusion of these youngsters that have committed some kind of trespass. Eleven male adolescents took part in this study, ranging from 15 to 18 years old, boarders at FEBEM, in Ribeirão Preto, and six employees that work for the institution. The individual interview with a semi-framed script was the major tool to gather data, being completed with fieldwork notes and transcription of group activities. The voices of the employees were also used as supplementary data in order to give emphasis to the topic being approached. The qualitative analysis of data, with an interpretative approach, favoured the point of view of the people interviewed, enlightening the key points of their existence. The analysis of data showed that the multiple facets that form the exclusion process in these youngsters lives seem to be mentioned by them as being the difficulties they come across to live their daily lives away from infractions. The interviewed adolescents´ real life is noticed by them for its precariousness, not only the financial one, but also the precariousness of bonds that are consolidated in violence, transitory feature and inconstancy, due to psychosocial aspects like stigmatization and culpability. Living this reality seems to cause suffering, often expressed by revolt as a way of demonstrating non-conformism before existence conditions and treatment toward them. The co-existence of these reasons, among other ones, added by humiliation, both at home and at school, and discrimination and cruelty they affirm to receive from the police seem to favour their inclusion in the criminal world. Another facet that causes them to live in the world in such an unfair and unworthy way concerns the vulnerability toward the development and practice of sexual and reproductive life, besides viewing themselves as being more vulnerable due to the rigid co-existence rules fixed among their partners, creating an imminent death risk. They affirm to be constrained by the police to take the blame for trespasses they didn´t commit, which seems to contribute for the act of putting them at the institution several times, perpetuating the concept of a situation with no way back. They affirm that FEBEM-RP is a place that is noticed by the difference in treatment that benefits some people while vulgarizes the suffering of others. In the interviewed youngsters` lives, the logic of exclusion/inclusion is also revealed by the confirmation, denial or construction of their identity, that in their case, seem to be engendered in order to support the strategies of authority regulation, being distinguished, predominantly, for their trespasses. They show an urge to quit trespassing and execute proposals that include professionalizing programs, going back to school, the application of a method of semi-freedom, among others. For this reason, they affirm to need professional and familiar support, inside and outside FEBEM-RP, without which their inclusion may fall back in the trap of an illusory inclusion that discriminates, humiliates and causes suffering. For these youngsters, the materialization of these proposals may mean the disruption of a cruel fate and contribute to a more worthy and fair inclusion.

The disengagement of young people from community participation is a debate that pervades the literature and is a concern for UK policing whose strategic aim is to secure the efficient and effective engagement of young people in an operational landscape that is shaped by austerity. Digital and Social Media is seen as offering immense potential to deliver enhanced participation at a fraction of the cost of traditional engagement, but there is a distinct lack of empirical research associated with the police use of digital and social media to engage young people. The aim of this research is to allow young people to shape the way Nottinghamshire Police engage with them via digital and social media. To this end, a 40-point engagement framework based on the principles of ‘Quid Pro Quo’ reciprocal engagement is offered as the product of this youthful insight. The theoretical positioning of the research is within the Interpretivist paradigm and social control theory and procedural justice theory justify why engaging young people is so important to the survival of the British style of policing. A qualitative methodology frames the research design, which includes the use of the semi-structured interview and four focus groups involving young people. The thesis suggests that young people are not disinterested, lackadaisical or apathetic when it comes to police engagement, they are simply disconnected from the police engagement framework, which appears to have failed historically to understand how and why young people wish to participate in policing. Whilst participants felt that Nottinghamshire Police’s digital offer is suitable for young people, it is concluded that digital and social media is not the ‘Holy Grail’ or indeed the panacea for police engagement and therefore young people may not yet be ready to accept such technology and swap physical visibility and accessibility for their virtual counterparts.

As there have been few studies of individual social mobility in Britain, this thesis examines a wide range of aspects of the mobility experience. Data reported come from secondary analysis of a sample of men in the London Region in 1970 (N = 884) and second interviews with a sub-sample (N = 117). Overall, there was more upward and less downward mobility observed in 1970 than in 1949 but little change in degree of occupational rigidity. Downward mobility generally proceeded from a 'peripheral' rather than a 'core' middle-class position to a skilled manual trade, thereby involving little or no discontinuity. The tendency of fathers of the downwardly mobile to have been intragenerationally upwardly mobile suggests a cyclical pattern in which sons of the same upwardly mobile are not adequately socialized into a middle-class pattern. The opposite hypothesis, that upward mobility proceeds from a 'sunken middle-class' family or one otherwise not well integrated into the working class, was not well supported. Generally, upward mobility was more complicated than downward mobility, involving at least five distinct patterns. In only two of these was it clear that occupational mobility had led to social mobility in the sense of a shift in relational and normative dimensions. The one-third of the men upwardly mobile through a formal educational route were generally, though not exclusively, found in these two patterns; 'distance' traversed was also an important determinant of class change. Taken together, however, the upwardly mobile were found to bestride class of origin and destination with respect to a wide range of variables. This was also the case when attention was directed to the negative or dissociative consequences of upward and downward mobility. That is, the data lend support to an acculturative, rather than a dissociative hypothesis about the consequences of social mobility; the mobile appeared to be no more isolated, detached, prejudiced or anomic than was typical in the class which they were entering, Finally, the meaning people give to social mobility is examined at some length.

The aim of this study is to provide a framework for understanding the dynamics and motivations behind the mobilisation of diasporas. What shapes diaspora mobilisation? And when they do get involved in homeland politics, what determines the success of diaspora efforts? How is diaspora mobilisation shaped through human agency? The study will look at the Croatian diaspora in North America which, with a long history of active involvement in the politics of its homeland, brings forth a compelling case for the study of diaspora mobilisation. Are conflict–based arguments sufficient to explain diaspora mobilisation? Are there complementary, but potentially more covert, driving factors behind it? Other studies have identified homeland conflict as important for diaspora mobilisation, but have not shown yet in depth how framing processes work in the presence of charismatic leadership and their framing strategies. Aiming at filling this gap in the literature, this study provides a complementary argument to conflict–based arguments; it focuses on the role of collective action frames (CAF) used by goal–seeking elites in diaspora mobilisation and brings out the effects of agency. It states that while conflict provides important opportunities to mobilise, agents play a crucial role in framing and reframing these opportunities to advance their political goals. This thesis is the first one to give an in depth discussion of specific framing mechanism and how they interconnect with charismatic leadership. By employing the frame analysis approach this study intends to link the literature on collective action frames and framing processes with the research done in Diaspora Studies. In doing so, it will make use of the framing literature in relation to social movement processes that it tries to illuminate. The study identifies effective framing processes, diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational, as crucial for understanding the character, the course and the outcome of diaspora mobilisation and its consequent political influence. The study aims to expand framing theory by contributing to our understanding of how leaders motivate and mobilise resources, generate and identify opportunities, frame issues, plan and develop strategies, recruit support and create change. Human agency has been neglected by the recent emphasis on structures of opportunity and this study is a response to the growing demand for the examination of the numerous ways in which leaders generate social change and create the conditions for the agency of others. However favourable the ‘breeding ground’ presented by the opportunity structure, it only provides potential actors with options. It is ultimately always the parties themselves who must make the best of them. This study shall therefore focus on the leader in charge of the framing processes and his characteristics as one of the key factors explaining his success. In doing so, the study will address an existing gap in the framing literature and divert attention to the role of Franjo Tuđman, the first President of independent Croatia, in constructing diaspora collective action frames. In placing the focus on the leader, the study does not intend to minimise the role of other explanatory factors, e.g. effective resource mobilisation and political opportunity structures (POS), the right configuration of which is essential for the framing processes to be effective. Instead, when addressing these elements of diaspora mobilisation, the study does so through the lens of leadership.

Since the beginning of China’s transition to a market economy, there have been other voices, calling for a different kind of change. One such voice is the co-operative movement, which has continued to grow in recent years. However, China’s new co-operatives suffer from widespread problems, which vitiate the principles put forward by activists. Based on two years of multi-sited fieldwork in the cooperative movement, this thesis explores the experience of the co-operatives, and the activists and institutions which promote them. Framing the analysis in terms of the cultural evolution of co-operation, it argues that the cooperatives are threatened by a range of factors. The erosion of social capital and material interdependence resulting from urbanisation and modernisation tends to undermine the foundations of the system of mutual aid based on indirect reciprocity. Meanwhile, the trauma of the Cultural Revolution and the uncertainty of the reform era have rendered alternative forms of collectivistic morality equally unable to support co-operation. While many co-operatives have succeeded by carefully avoiding any form of co-operation which requires trust or costly monitoring, some problems cannot be solved in this way. In particular, the thesis argues that participation in democratic decision-making is itself a collective action problem, which co-operatives cannot, by their very nature, avoid. And when activists and the state provide resources to help overcome these challenges, the result is often a ‘crowding out’ of co-operation. Finally, the thesis explores the idea that the difficulties of the co-operatives may reflect a shift in the psychological underpinnings of co-operation in wider Chinese society. Through a combination of life history interviews with young people experiencing moral conflict, and a psychometric survey designed to measure differences in moral reasoning, it argues that non-market forms of cooperation are being undermined by a process of interlinked social and psychological change.

This thesis provides an empirical, qualitative, study of nuances of the labour process in the context of Youth Offending Teams (YOTs) and how detectable indications of alienation may be present in the perceptions of front-line practitioners. The study also focuses on government policy and the views of management and trade union officials to gain a broader understanding of factors that affect employment in this sub-sector of the public services. To provide a rich source of qualitative data, 33 interviews were conducted across two research sites, which fall under the operational remit of the Youth Justice Board for England and Wales (YJB). Initially, the focus of the thesis is structured around political impositions and management regulation of the employment relationship in the wider public services with particular reference to its impact on the organisation of work and work degradation. This is set against previous theories and frameworks of alienation to form an analytical model, adapted from Blauner’s (1964) research, accounting for criticisms of the study from a Marxist perspective. The thesis then provides a contextual grounding of the politicised nature of the youth justice sector and the related criminological debates which affect the perceptions of work and policy from front-line practitioners in YOTs. Interview data is analysed against the theoretical model employed, signified by a broad analytical approach, which not only addresses the effects of a loss of practitioner control of the labour process in YOTs and the related indications of alienation, but also investigates their relevance to wider aspects of the political economy. Findings suggest that alienation is intensified in practitioners when they experience a dislocation between their personal ideals and the prescriptive work practices to which they abide, with their skills and knowledge of front-line practice perceived as undervalued in state and management policy.