Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo de realizar um mapeamento de questões presentes em um conjunto de obras que, a partir de meados da década de 1970, vêm se agrupando sob o termo - arte sonora. Para tanto, este trabalho parte de uma aproximação com o repertório, na medida em que realiza um levantamento e análise, por meio de bibliografia, discografia, catálogos de obras e outras fontes, abordando o trabalho de vários artistas que se destacam nesse âmbito, bem como apontando diversas questões extraídas desse primeiro passo. A partir daí, constatou-se que esse repertório é bastante amplo e divergente, e que a delimitação desse campo pode ser apenas aproximada. Porém, para a realização de um mapeamento do ideário da arte sonora, foi estabelecido um levantamento e análise de obras de artistas que, de uma forma ou outra, influenciaram esse processo. Três referências fundamentais são levantadas e abordadas: a Música Eletroacústica, a Installation Art e a Performance Art. Posteriormente a pesquisa concentrou-se no que, no decorrer da dissertação, chamamos de arte sonora e a partir daí, extraiu-se cinco aspectos considerados fundamentais para a análise e compreensão desse repertório. São eles: Sonoridade, Tecnologia, Interação, Espaço e Tempo. / The main purpose of this research is to map the central aspects that can be observed in a representative repertoire of art works that since the 70\' is been labeled Sound Art. This work starts from the research and analysis of this repertoire based on the available bibliography, audiography, exhibitions\' catalogues and other sources. A representative number of artists are investigated and their work analyzed. From this research it becomes evident that this repertoire is extremely large ample and divergent, and that the delimitation of this field is a difficult task. However, for the accomplishment of a mapping of the main concepts that area related to Sound Art, we proceeded the analysis of a number of works. Three basic references are investigated: Electroacoustic Music; Installation Art and Performance. Afterward the research investigated five aspects that we consider to be of fundamental importance to the comprehension of this repertoire: Sound, Technology, Interaction, Space and Time

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The archaeological record of the first Americans in Mexico is poorly known and somewhat confusing. However, the state of Sonora presents a remarkably pristine setting for studying the late Pleistocene occupation of North America. The early archaeological record in Sonora is stunning in terms of its relative abundance and only within the past ten years has this fact become evident. The Paleo-Indian sites are concentrated in north-central Sonora on and surrounding, the Llanos de Hermosillo. The settlement pattern appears to indicate that Clovis groups were generalized hunter and gatherers that exploited a wide range of environments, and their diet was based upon a wide variety of foodstuffs. The Clovis groups of Sonora developed a sophisticated settlement pattern and land use determined by the location of lithic sources for tool making, water sources, large prey animals and a mosaic of edible plants and small animals. Exploiting an extensive territory probably permitted them to remain in the same region for longer periods of time. The presence of only few late Paleo-Indian diagnostic points could represent the decrease of population density in Sonora, but most likely it is an indication that after Clovis a regionalization of the hunter and gather groups took place in Sonora. The Sonoran Clovis occupation is a testimony that multiple regional Clovis adaptations emerged each with specific responses of plants, animals and resources.

The Cabullona Basin of northeastern Sonora is a structural depocenter that was formed during Late Cretaceous time. The 2.5 km-thick sedimentary fill of this basin, the Cabullona Group, is composed in ascending order of the Corral de Enmedio formation, Camas Sandstone, Packard Shale, Lomas Coloradas formation, and, laterally equivalent to the last two units, El Cemento conglomerate. Abundant vertebrate and invertebrate as well as pollen identifications from these units indicate the Cabullona Group is of middle Santonian to Maastrichtian age. The Corral de Enmedio formation represents shallow lacustrine deposits. Lithofacies of the Camas and Lomas Coloradas formations indicate they were deposited by braided- and meandering-fluvial systems, whereas the eight members of the Packard Shale represent complex fluvio-deltaic-and-lacustrine systems. The El Cemento conglomerate is a thick clastic wedge of coarse-grained alluvial deposits that was deposited adjacent to the structural margin of the basin. Clast composition and paleocurrent directions of the El Cemento conglomerate indicate it was derived from strata of the nearby uplift of the Sierra Anibacachi-Cerro Cabullona. The low-angle, southwest directed Cabullona thrust fault that separates the uplift from the basin formed the structural margin of the basin. The tectono-sedimentary history of the Cabullona Group, its age and regional tectonic setting support the idea that this basin was formed because of typical Laramide-style deformation and indicates that the Rocky Mountain foreland province of Laramide deformation extended southward to northeastern Sonora.

This study investigates two aspects of tropical reef fish mating systems: the prevalence of paternal care in those species that exhibit some form of parental care, and the evolutionary stability of simultaneous hermaphroditism. Studies of three species of tropical reef fishes from the Gulf of California were used to investigate these two different types of mating systems. Two species of demersal egg guarders with paternal care, Malacoctenus hubbsi and Abudefduf troschelii, were studied to determine the importance of a male's mating status (the number of eggs in his territory) in regard to female choice of mates. In both species, females did not base their choice of mates on the number of eggs in the male's territory, males increased their level of parental care with increasing egg number, and egg survivorship where estimated was independent of brood size. These results corroborate, and offer the first experimental field verification of a crucial assumption of a minimal-care hypothesis proposed a decade ago by Williams (1975). Male reproductive success was studied in greater detail in one species, M. hubbsi. Territory parameters, rather than male size, were the major determinants of male reproductive success. This independence relative to male size was attributed to the unpredictability of good future territories. In Serranus fasciatus all individuals begin reproduction as simultaneous hermaphrodites, but lose female function at large sizes to become males. Males obtain disproportionate reproductive success by maintaining harems of hermaphrodites and defending them from adjacent males. These harems are similar to those found in some sequentially hermaphroditic species. Hermaphrodites obtain most of their reproductive success through female function by spawning with a male, but also engage in an alternative male strategy--streaking on pair spawns--to obtain some male reproductive success. This small amount of male reproductive success by hermaphrodites appears to stabilize simultaneous hermaphroditism with most resources allocated to female function. Facultative alternative male mating strategies in hermaphroditic individuals joins spawning reciprocation as the only known behavioral strategies that provide evolutionary stability for simultaneous hermaphroditic individuals in populations of tropical reef fishes.

Ecological change very often parallels social change. The concept of the social-ecological system (SES) provides a holistic means of accounting for the dualistic nature of human-environmental interactions by acknowledging that social, political and economic factors influence and are in turn influenced by the processes of ecological change. These transformations can be contextualized within nested adaptive cycles of change that respond to pre-existing conditions and which provide new opportunities for system actors. The adaptive cycle also grants that processes of social and ecological change may be permanent, irreversible and result in new configurations not previously imaginable. The ability for an SES to respond to these processes of change depends upon its resilience which defines the range of reversible change within a stable state. Resilience is determined by a system's vulnerability, by the pre-existing or available capital.Within this dissertation, I assert that resilience is an important factor to consider in studying arid land political ecology. Resilience can be influenced by both institutional and environmental factors. I assert here that institutional factors alone cannot explain the pace of change in a particular political ecology. While institutions constitute the dominant signals with regards to economic decision making, environmental signals may be ultimately more significant. I utilize a detailed case study focused upon a watershed and ejido in northwestern Mexico. This case study demonstrates the influence of strong political and economic signals that influence local economics. Nature bats last and can exert powerful forces over institutional choices. Using this case study, I demonstrate how a dramatic shift in climatic as well as hydrologic regimes leads ultimately to a general degradation of agropastoral ecological resources and their replacement with new, stable but less desirable states. Land-use has subsequently changed. The latter set of ecological changes has become a sort of death of a thousand cuts that has reduced the community's ability to tap local natural capital and thereby generate economic capital. This study is intends to contribute to our knowledge of political ecology by evaluating the concepts of ecological resilience, multiple stable states, and adaptive cycles to the study of these social-ecological systems.

Traditionally, the Onavas Valley located in the middle Ri­o Yaqui, has been identified as part of the Rio Sonora archaeological tradition. However, no archaeological research has taken place in this region to verify this cultural model. This work presents new data from the Onavas Valley Archaeological Project (OVAP), conducted in the summer of 2003 and 2004, which provide basic data to solidify our understanding of an archaeologically poorly researched area, examine its role in interactions with the neighboring archaeological areas, and contrast the Ri­o Sonora tradition model. The methodology used combine archaeological survey, artifact analysis, and ethnohistorical research. A full-coverage systematic pedestrian survey, at the center of the Onavas Valley, was conducted covering an area of 67 km² and recorded 122 new sites. Three research approaches where set to discern and define the archaeological tradition within the Onavas Valley and then examine extra-regional interactions with neighboring archaeological areas. Those are 1) building a local chronology and a diagnostic inventory of material culture; 2) establishing the landscape structure (settlement pattern and ritual landscape) of the area; and 3) collecting and analyzing evidence for the manufacture, use, and exchange of trade goods. At the end of the material analysis, the OVAP conclude that the Onavas Valley had more cultural relation with the Huatabampo archaeological tradition than to the Rio Sonora archaeological tradition. Finally a comparison of the cultural landscape of the Onavas Valley with those of the Marana, Cerro de Trincheras, and Paquime traditions was made, to see different cultural developments in similar geographical condition using same methodological and analytical framework.

Pervasive social and ecological water crises in Mexico remain, despite over two decades of legal and institutional backing for Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) as a policy tenet. In this article we apply a socialshed analysis to uncover and understand the geographical and jurisdictional forces influencing the social construction and simultaneous fragmentation of the San Miguel Watershed (SMW) in the state of Sonora, in Mexico's water-scarcity bulls-eye. Specific insights derived from an empirical analysis include that water management (WM) is socially embedded in dense networks of family and friends, farmers and ranchers, citizens and local government - all to varying degrees sharing information about local water crises. Irrigation water user representatives (WUR) are connected across communities and within their own municipalities, but interwatershed social links with other WUR are virtually nonexistent, despite high levels of awareness of crossmunicipality WM problems. Implementation of IWRM as a federal policy by a single agency and the creation of basin councils and subsidiary technical committees for groundwater management have not been sufficient for technical - much less social - integration at the watershed level. This study shows that the SMW socialshed remains fragmented by local jurisdictions; without coordinated agency-jurisdiction-local action fomenting social connections, a socialshed will not emerge.