M.A. (Political Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The thesis focuses upon the final reintegration of Walvis Bay and its twelve Penguin/Off-Shore Islands into Namibia. As Namibia's only deep water port, it escaped reintegration in 1989 when the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 435 (1978) was implemented. Hence the study argues that the exclusion of Walvis Bay from the Settlement Plan falls outside the parameters of various UNSC and UN General Assembly Resolutions, viz 385 and 432 of 1976 respectively. Such an arrangement has to be looked at as Pretoria's non-compliance with the above resolutions. South Africa got away with such an arrangement with the blessing of the Western Contact Group of Nations, i.e the United States; Britain; (former West) Germany; France and Canada. The argument advances further to capture the sudden emergence of Walvis Bay as a dispute between the National Party regime and the African National Congress (ANC) in particular. The dispute came about when the National Party submitted a controversial constitutional proposal during South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park. They were proposing Walvis Bay to constitute part of the new Western Cape province in the postapartheid South Africa. Namibia's diplomacy paid off when the return of Walvis Bay was agreed upon as it became entangled in the constitutional talks for South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park in 1993-1994.

Cross-border conflicts on the African continent have increased tremendously in the post-colonial years. The widespread border conflicts on the African continent have been attributed to the arbitrariness with which Africa’s national boundaries were drawn during the colonial period. The colonial boundaries have left the doors open for perpetual conflicts among African states. This thesis proposes to investigate the prospects of grassroots diplomacy as an option of dealing with border conflicts with specific reference to the case of Lesotho/South Africa border relations. This is done by critically evaluating the role the District Liaison Committees (DLCs) have played in border relations between Lesotho and South Africa. The Lesotho and South African governments have institutionalised the resolution of border conflicts at grassroots level through the establishment of the DLCs. The DLCs consists of representatives of border communities in Lesotho and South Africa. The paper introduces a not so familiar concept of involving people at grassroots levels in the conducting of diplomacy between the two neighbouring countries. The central issue implicit in this paper is that grassroots diplomacy is succeeding in the case of Lesotho and South Africa. The DLCs have managed to reduce tension between the two countries along the borders which had existed over a long period of time, thereby, relieving the central governments of some of their duties. The thesis contents that high level conventional diplomacy is not always the answer to cross-border conflicts. The example of Lesotho and South Africa could be followed by other African countries in similar situations.

M.A. (National Strategy) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) / This study places on record South Africa‟s UN voting data from 1994 to 2008. It also investigates consistency in terms of South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its actual voting practices at the UN during that period. The voting data and related speeches are drawn from the UN‟s Index to Speeches available through the UN Documentation Centre as well as from an examination of the recorded votes in the UN Index to Proceedings and the United Nations Bibliographic Information System (UNBISnet) – the two main databases concerning voting records in the UN and found in the Dag Hammarskjold online library. Using its own three-step model of voting behaviour, the study traces South Africa‟s declared foreign policy on selected issues in the first step; the Republic‟s voting actions on the issues in the second step, and then interpretations of the voting actions taken in the final step. By organising the voting data in this way, the study intends to make the examination of South Africa‟s voting behaviour within this multilateral forum more manageable. The model is applied to four themes identified as prominent within South Africa‟s foreign policy in the years under review. A table is also employed to assess if the voting is inconsistent, partly consistent or consistent with the declared policy under review. The Republic‟s voting behaviour is examined with regard to the following four themes: the promotion of human rights and democracy; disarmament and related non-proliferation issues; the advancement of African interests and the consolidation of the African Agenda within the context of North-South relations, and reform of the UN and the promotion of equitable global governance. The study concludes that between 1994 and 2008 there was congruity between South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its UN voting behaviour in most respects. The Republic was mostly consistent on issues of UN reform, followed by the promotion of African interests, then disarmament issues and lastly with regard to human rights and democracy promotion. It is evident that South Africa has stumbled at times and sidelined certain principles, human rights promotion in specific countries most especially. It could be said that South Africa‟s foreign policy evolved from one unsure how to deal with human rights issues at the UN, to one rooted firmly in nurturing solidarity with its Southern partners in Africa and the rest of the world. This reflects a young democracy finding its way in the multilateral organisation and attempting to balance external expectations of the Republic with its foreign policy priorities. Overall South Africa demonstrated a fair commitment to its declared foreign policy, and principles, in its UN voting behaviour.

This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.

Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2020 / South Africa’s foreign policy towards the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, particularly during Thabo Mbeki’s tenure, has received substantial scholarly attention. Similarly, South Africa’s domestic political arena has been a subject of significant scholarly inquiry during Jacob Zuma’s tenure. Understandably, when one considers the domestic scandals that clouded Zuma’s presidency, the foreign policy of the Zuma administration, specifically towards the SADC region, has received underwhelming scholarly attention. Therefore, the present study is a contribution to the limited available studies on the Zuma administration’s foreign policy towards the SADC region. Noting the importance of the DRC in SADC region international relations, the DRC is used as a case study. The DRC’s experience of a seemingly ceaseless or recurrent conflict makes it a suitable case for the assessment of the Zuma administration’s foreign policy. This is because it would be difficult for a South Africa that is largely viewed as the SADC region’s regional leader to remain indifferent while a fellow SADC member state experiences continuous instability. To achieve its objectives, the study employed document review as a data collection method. The study found that South Africa under Zuma prioritised economic diplomacy. As such, it actively participated in the neutralisation, through military means, of rebel groups in the DRC. It would not be farfetched to submit that this was an attempt to create an environment that is more conducive to economic activity in the DRC so as to improve economic relations between the two countries. Keywords: South Africa, SADC, Foreign Policy, Democratic Republic of Congo, Zuma, Afrocentricity, Southern Africa.

This is the first study of official relations between South Africa and Australia as conducted through resident High Commissions or Embassies. It reaches the conclusion that, though neither country loomed large on the other's scale of priorities, the relationship was at the outset perceived to be of greater value to Australia than to South Africa. It was initiated by the Australian government in 1945 as was the airlink which connected the two countries in 1952. Then flown by propeller-driven aircraft, the air route led to the expansion of Australian territory when the United Kingdom transferred to Australia sovereignty over the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in the Indian Ocean, eight hours flying time from Perth and an essential refuelling stop en route to Southern Afnca. The first Australian High Commissioner, Sir George Knowles, arrived in South Africa in August 1946. The Smuts government did not attach much value to the relationship. Pleading shortage of staff, and to the embarrassment of the Australian government, it had not reciprocated with its own appointment by the time of its fall in May 1948. On assuming office the following month the new Prime Minister, Dr Malan responded positively to an Australian reminder about the lack of a South African High Commissioner. Dr P.R. Viljoen was appointed to the position and arrived in Canberra in June 1949. The relationship lacked substance and for relatively lengthy periods in the 1950s the High Commissioner's post was left vacant on both sides. The Australian government had proposed the establishment of relations on grounds inter alia that members of the British Commonwealth should be informed about each other's attitudes, policies and problems in the work of the United Nations. Yet it was the United Nations, particularly its composition, which subjected the relationship to its greatest strains. In focusing on the role and functions of individual diplomats the study throws light on what the profession or occupation of diplomacy encompassed at the time. Also canvassed is the development of the South African and Australian Departments of External Affairs from their beginnings to the early 1960s. / D. Litt et Phil. (History)

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The political relationship between "The People's Republic of China (PRC) and South Africa has grown from strength to strength since the end of the apartheid era. As a result of this cooperation, the importing and exporting between the two have grown significantly. With the Chinese markets now open to South Africans, manufactured goods are being imported. The manufacturing capabilities found in the PRC are very far advanced to those found in South Africa. As a result, many South African businesses have found that they can import their product far cheaper than they can buy or manufacture in South Africa, regardless of the challenges of importing between the two countries i.e. language barriers, culture differences, geographical location, etc. The last few years has seen more and more businesses importing from the PRC, which has effectively led to many business owners looking at the option of importing from the PRC in order to be competitive. This research study addresses the reasons and necessity to import manufactured goods from the PRC to South Africa. It also shows how a business actually goes about importing from the PRC. In essence, this study is to help the local entrepreneur become more competitive, by understanding what their competitors mayor may not be doing. If the competitors are importing themselves, then this will help them to be competitive. If they are not importing, then this study will give them the opportunity to get the competitive edge. In conclusion and in summary, importing goods from the PRC to South Africa can have a positive impact on the competitiveness of a business. Even though the concept of importing from the PRC to South Africa is often dismissed due to the apparent complexities of the importing process, it is hoped this study will allay such fears. This study will hopefully help those entrepreneurs to understand that it is not that complicated a task to make one's business competitive via Chinese imports. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die politieke verhouding tussen die People's Republic of China (PRC) en Suid Afrika het sedert die einde van die apartheidsera van krag tot krag gegroei. As gevolg van die samewerking tussen die twee het invoere en uitvoere aansienlik gegroei. Met die Sjinese markte nou oop vir Suid Afrikaners, word vervaardigde goedere ingevoer. Die vervaardigings-aanlegte vaardighede in die PRC is baie meer gevorderd as dit in Suid Afrika. Ongeag die struikelblokke vir invoer tussen die twee lande bv. taal, kultuur verskille, geografiese ligging ens., het baie Suid Afrikaanse besighede gevind dat produkte goedkoper ingevoer kan word as wat hulle dit plaaslik kan koop of vervaardig. In die laaste paar jaar het meer en meer besighede vanaf die PRC ingevoer wat daartoe gelei het dat baie beigheidseienaars die opsie oorweeg om vanaf die PRC in te voer om sodoende meer kompeterend te wees. Die navorsing spreek redes en noodsaaklikheid aan vir die invoer van vervaadigde goedere vanaf die PRC na Suid Afrika. Die prosedure van invoer van die PRC word ook deur die navorsing aangespreek. In geheel is die studie om die plaaslike entrepreneur te help om meer kompeterend te word deur markneigings te verstaan. As die kompeteerders self invoer, sal dit help om hulle meer kompeterend te maak. Indien nie, sal die studie hulle die geleentheid gee om meer kompeterend te wees. Ter afsluiting en om op te som, die invoer van goedere van die PRC na Suid Afrika kan 'n positiewe uitwerking op die kompetisie tussen besighede he. Alhoewel die idee van invoere van die PRC na Suid Afrika reeds baie afgewys is as gevolg van die duidelike ingewikkelde invoerproses, sal die studie hopelik sulke vrese uit die weg ruim. Die studie sal ook hopelik help om vir die entrepreneurs te laat verstaan dat so 'n gekompliseerde taak is om hul besigheid via Sjinese invoere kompeterend te maak nie.

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