中東路事件可說是中國民族主義嘗試挑戰蘇聯在東北的利權，不論成敗，列強在中國的勢力版圖必然有所變動。追求列強在華勢力均等的英國，按理不會任由事態發展而不插手。而其自身面對中國民族主義挑戰的經驗，英國縱使不向當時非盟友的蘇聯傳授心得，也必定會與其他列強相聯絡。過往研究沒有看到英國的任何明顯行動，也沒有見到為何英國沒有任何行動的解釋，更沒有見到使用英國檔案為主的視角。本篇論文以這疑問出發，嘗試使用英國外交部檔案，來考察英國在中東路事件當中，究竟採取什麼態度，是否有什麼政策，進行什麼活動。並藉由英國對中東路事件的考察視角，關照南京外交在中東路事件的行動，從中得到一些與過去中東路事件研究不同的成果。

This dissertation examines three phases in post-Cold War relations between Turkey and the ex-Soviet Turkic republics of Central Asia and the Caucasus, not from the macro-level perspective of political and economic protocols and accords agreed by state actors, which has been ably outlined by other scholars, but rather from the micro-level perspective of efforts pursued on a less formal plane to promote linguistic rapprochement among the disparate Turkic peoples. The actors in this unfolding drama were an shifting collective of interested individuals, composed predominantly of linguists and language professionals, who were readily classifiable neither as official representatives of their respective nations, nor solely as invested individuals acting in their own interests, but rather operated at the meso level and comprised, I would argue, a “community of practice” dedicated to uniting the Turkic peoples linguistically, socioculturally, and perhaps even geopolitically under the rubric of an emergent supranational “Turkic world.” In exploring the shifting sands of supranational relations in the post-Soviet Turkic world through the lens of linguistic rapprochement, I focus, in particular, on two ostensibly discrete language ideological debates--the first centered around a series of early Turkic linguistic congresses held during the initial phase of post-Soviet Turkic relations that focused on the creation of a common Turkic alphabet (ortak alfabe) and Turkic lingua franca (ortak dil), and the second emerging during the third phase of relations among the Turkic peoples that focused on defending the Turkish alphabet from pernicious “outside” influence, where “outside” was largely identified as “the West” yet intersected in interesting, ways with the “outside Turks” (dış Türkler) of Central Asia and the Caucasus. In addition, I reconstruct the transitional “bridge” between the first and third phases of Turkic relations by also examining the dimensions of ongoing discussion and debate over issues of language, orthography, and identity both in Turkey and in the emergent Turkic world that, although more diffuse and less formal by nature than the two debates described above nonetheless, I argue, constitute two additional language ideological debates which together define the second stage of relations among the Turkic peoples in the post-Cold War era. / text

「中國和平崛起」這個名詞於2003年的博鰲論壇上第一次被公開提出，引起全球熱烈討論。姑且不論中國的和平崛起本質上是否真為「和平」，本文中心意旨在討論中國崛起後，它最大也是最親密的鄰國－俄羅斯將如何看待這個亦敵亦友的大國在經濟、軍事等各方面的巨大轉變。而本文作者認為，看來正朝向親密戰略合作夥伴關係前進的中俄兩國間，其中仍存有許多可能阻礙其發展的重要因素。 / The term "China's peaceful rise" was first introduced at the 2003 annual session of the Boao Forum for Asia (BFA) and has become a hot topic drawing international attention. This thesis focuses on the changing relationship between Russia and China, especially in the period after the collapse of USSR. The new Russia and China have built their strategic partnership on diplomatic, military, and economic aspects during the period of China’s rise. During this period both countries also faced a transforming climate in their societies, with a different ideological environment, different forms of inner-party life and a different “style of work” being formed and changed rapidly at every decision-making moment. In the history of Sino-Soviet relations we can easily see that Mao Zedong won control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and lead it to victory by repeatedly defying Stalin’s advice, which also contributed to the formation of a Chinese Communist leadership that is highly conscious of those differences. Since the beginning of the new Russia, the so-called “peaceful rise of China” theory as a matter of course has been highly doubted. This thesis shows that many of the factors currently improving Sino-Russian relations are unlikely to sustain the current positive relationship and instead are likely to cause a divergence in their relationship, which is understood by looking at hidden factors from apparent clues that might cause a divergence between the two countries in the near future. Keywords: China, Russia, International Relations, Sino-Soviet Relations, “China’s peaceful Rise”

This thesis examines the writing of U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union Joseph Davies, Norman Deuel of the United Press, and Joseph Barnes of the New York Herald Tribune over the course of their respective postings in Moscow between 1936-1938. The purpose of this thesis is to look past interpretations of perceived right and wrong reporting on the Soviet Union and instead identify precisely how and why Americans outside the diplomatic corps viewed and perhaps identified with aspects of Stalinist society. Residing in Moscow over an extended period of time, Davies, Barnes, and Deuel were not mere observers. Immersed in Soviet society, Davies and the press correspondents became themselves producers of socialist realist writing as their American affinity for ambitious modernization translated into an idealized view of Stalinist modernization projects, one which viewed present hardships through a socialist realist lens while echoing Soviet enthusiasm for medical and scientific advancements, material plenty, heroics, youth, and territorial exploration. Excluded from the close-knit circle of career diplomats, Davies and the newsmen also came to view the Moscow show trials through the same socialist realist lens, one which presented the desired utopian future through elaborate socialist realist theatre.

No description available.

Regarding the existence of nuclear weapons, which were never used all over atomic bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima as a tool of war against civilian or military targets during the Cold War, I try to give an explanation of "armed peace". I consider the question of why the two superpowers (the USA and the USSR) didn't start a "hot war" that would have been more likely nuclear. As an example of the most critical event will serve me Cuban Missile Crisis, with which can be the description of it understood in broader context. The paper points to the interrelations of opposing ideologies that related to atomic weapons have often drawn the same conclusions. I examine the military-strategic value of the atomic bombs which have shaped international relations troughtout the second half of the twentieth century. Besides the military aspects I also mention economic interpretation of the nuclear arms race and economic potential of the USSR and the USA. Why have in the first instance occured one-sided and than gradually overall disarment, reducing the number of nuclear warheads? I try to documented the explanation out of historical events also by using teoretical models.

This study makes use not only of German documents captured during the Second World War but of personal accounts of major figures of the Third Reich and their testimony at the Nuremberg Trials. Organized into five chapters, this study surveys Nazi- Soviet relations from 1939 to 1941, from the German viewpoint, with emphasis on Adolf Hitler's assessment of Russian policies and Germany's wartime situation, both of which factors shaped his decision to invade the USSR. The conclusion is that Hitler saw his attack on the Soviet Union as a preventive war, carried out to destroy a growing threat to the Reich. He interpreted Russian activities during the period 1939-1941 as designed to strengthen the USSR strategically against Germany in preparation for intervention in the ongoing conflict with Britain.

This study presents an overview of Indo-Soviet relations in light of the U.S.-U.S.S.R. competition for a favorable position in relations with India. Both superpowers consider better relations with India to be crucial to the furtherance of their interests in the Indian Ocean region. The study provides background information on Indo-Soviet diplomacy, with emphasis on the period 1968-1976m during which the Soviets gained their greatest influence in the region. This period also represents the nadir of Indo-American relations, although India formally maintained a policy of non-alignment with either of the two superpowers. Conclusions are drawn about India's role as a non-aligned nation, its relations with the superpowers, and its quest for regional influence.

This thesis discusses the role of Czechoslovakia within the framework of the Chinese- Soviet split. Based on the analysis of archival sources, it explores Czechoslovak proceedings within the given issue at the diplomatic level as well as the Communist Party level. Its aim is to confirm or disprove the statement that Czechoslovakia was a so-called small player in this dispute and acted more independently on the USSR policy . It focuses on mutual Czechoslovak-Chinese relations and their development in the given period, i.e. 1950-1969. It analyzes the progress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia from its viewpoint at international conferences of Communist and workers' organizations, but also at Party sessions. The thesis also describes the Chinese-Soviet split in the Third World and its influence on Czechoslovak policy. Last but not least, the thesis focuses on the factors that influenced the formation of the Czechoslovak attitude on this issue. The thesis studies given range of issues with the help of archival sources of Czech provenance and foreign materials available in electronic form.

Cette thèse analyse les échanges artistiques entre la France et l’URSS durant l’entre-deux-guerres, leurs rouages et les avantages mutuels qu’ils présentent. Cette période connaît quatre phases successives, ce qui permet de découper la recherche en autant de parties. La première étudie la période d’avant la reconnaissance de l’URSS par la France et la mise en place des relations diplomatiques (avant 1924) ; la deuxième se penche sur les premiers liens officiels qui suivent ladite reconnaissance (1925-1928) ; la troisième s’intéresse aux années 1928-1934, période du « Grand Tournant » dans l’économie soviétique, et enfin la quatrième englobe les années qui suivent l’instauration du réalisme socialiste en 1934 et se termine avec la guerre. Notre projet tente d’évaluer la pertinence de l’approche stéréotypée portant sur le lien entre art et idéologie, de voir si la peinture soviétique, telle que présentée lors des expositions en France, était similaire à celle exposée en URSS et constituait un outil de propagande à part entière. Sous quelle forme l’art soviétique est-il présenté en France et quel est le rôle des instances dans la mise en place de ces manifestations ? Il s’agit d’étudier le rôle des acteurs de ces échanges : instances étatiques, associations, galeries, spécialistes d’art, intellectuels, collectionneurs ou enfin les artistes eux-mêmes. Nous nous intéressons également aux expositions d’artistes français et à l’organisation de leurs voyages en URSS. Ce travail montre que les maillons de la chaîne « politique-idéologie-finances » sont intimement liés entre eux et que l’argent a souvent un rôle décisif pour les instances soviétiques. / This dissertation focuses on artistic exchange between France and the USSR in the interwar period, its mechanisms and the benefits it presented. This period can be divided into four successive phases, accounting for the four parts this research falls into. The first part studies the years leading up to the recognition of the USSR by France and the setting up of diplomatic relations (prior to 1924); the second part deals with the first official links following the recognition (1925-1928); the third part focuses on the years 1928-1934, a period of economic change also known as « the Great Turn » in Soviet economy and the fourth and final part spans the years after socialist realism was established from 1934 on up to the outbreak of the war. This research questions the stereotypical approach to the link between art and ideology and asks whether Soviet painting, as shown during exhibitions in France, was similar to that shown in the USSR and whether it was, or not, a sheer tool for propaganda. Under what form was Soviet art presented in France and what role did authorities play in organizing artistic events? The role played by the actors of this exchange is studied: state authorities, associations, art galleries, art specialists, intellectuals, collectors, intellectuals, and last but not least the artists themselves. Also studied are the exhibitions of French artists and how their trips to the USSR were organized. This research shows that politics, ideology and money are tightly linked together and that money played a decisive role for Soviet authorities.