This thesis explores the degree of independent action possible by national governments in deciding their education policies – in other words, what may be termed their sphere of authority (SoA) – in the context of globalisation; whereby Pakistan, perhaps more than many nation states, is subject to a variety of geopolitical and economic pressures. This issue is explored through a study of the recent education policy review process in Pakistan that resulted in a White Paper: ‘Education in Pakistan’ in 2007. In exploring the SoA of the government of Pakistan in deciding its education policy priorities, key areas of enquiry include the tensions between national and global interests and their attempted discursive management by the government of Pakistan. The research uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as its main methodological resource and looks at two kinds of textual data: interviews with key policy actors and selected policy texts. The methodology of CDA draws attention to the fact that texts are embedded within linguistic, discursive and structural contexts, and that these contexts provide resources that are mobilized by different actors. The textual data resources were analysed to see how language shapes the construction of the White Paper; what discourses are being drawn upon and contested in the articulation of the White Paper and thus what broad power structures shape the White Paper and illustrate the SoA of the government of Pakistan. The findings suggest that the policy review process as illustrated by the White Paper reveals various tensions caused by differences between global and national education policy interests. These tensions are visible in the style and genre of policy; the pursuit of global policy prescriptions; trends to privatization of provision; and disputes over the issue of language and about the ideological principles that should inform educational provision. The research suggests that inclusive and ‘soft’ governance discourse along with a process of consultation were used by the government in an attempt to manage these tensions. The expertise with which the government designed the consultation process and deployed discursive resources sought to establish and maintain its SoA.

This is a qualitative study, and the purpose is to investigate whether hybrid work is a successful way of working in matters of conflict, leadership, and control. The two questions that form the basis of the analysis are I: What does hybrid work mean and how does this affect employees in practice? And II: What impact does hybrid work have on leadership? The essay was written on behalf of and in collaboration with a Swedish government authority. The purpose of the essay has been developed in collaboration with the authority. Semi-structured interviews have been the main approach to data collection. The interviews took place at the relevant authority with both employees and managers. Thematic analysis based on Braune and Clark’s six steps (2006) has been carried out to analyze the data and to produce the results on which the study is based. The main results that emerged are that hybrid work based on several factors entails both advantages and disadvantages. Some of the results that emerged were that change in leadership is central to hybrid work and that it requires more from managers to adapt to this. There have also been results about loss of control for both managers and employees, as well as both a positive and negative impact on mood due to hybrid work.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo avaliar o papel da autoridade estatal e do desenvolvimento na estabilidade dos Estados da África Subsaariana e a influência que têm nos processos de falência estatal e de eclosão de guerras intraestatais. Desde o fim da Guerra Fria, a corrente de pensamento que fundia segurança e desenvolvimento tornou-se predominante para analisar as causas e fornecer sugestões de políticas para impedir que os Estados sucumbissem a dinâmicas de violência, fomentadas por necessidade, ganância e agravo - todos gerados e intensificados em situações de subdesenvolvimento. Palco de boa parte dos países menos desenvolvidos (PMDs) do mundo e da grande maioria dos conflitos intraestatais que ocorreram nos últimos trinta anos, a África Subsaariana foi retratada como locus immutabilis, cujos problemas tinham poucas ou nenhuma solução possível. Desta forma, o subdesenvolvimento endêmico da região foi usado como guarda-chuva conceitual uma vez que intensificaria as consequências nocivas de certos tipos de regimes políticos, da distribuição desigual das riquezas e oportunidades econômicas e da incompatibilidade étnica que existiria em seus países. Seguindo esta linha de pensamento, bastaria resolver a situação do subdesenvolvimento nos Estados da África Subsaariana que seus processos de falência seriam revertidos e as guerras civis não mais aconteceriam. No entanto, é possível questionar esta relação entre segurança e desenvolvimento dado que países que têm o mesmo nível de subdesenvolvimento diferiram em seus destinos, tendo alguns sucumbido às dinâmicas violentas e outros não. Este trabalho pretende, portanto, identificar as causas das guerras civis e da falência de Estados na região. Este trabalho argumenta que é a baixa autoridade estatal (e não o subdesenvolvimento) a condição determinante para o advento de guerras civis e da falência de Estado na África Subsaariana. Para chegar a tal resultado, analisou-se os dados de 44 Estados da região fornecidos pelo Worldwide Governance Indicators do Banco Mundial e os mesmos dados utilizados pela ONU para classificar os PMDs. Também se utilizou análise qualitativa sobre a história dos países onde a paz imperou desde a independência para avaliar as fundações da autoridade estatal. / This thesis looks forward to assessing the role of state authority and development in the stability of Sub-Saharan African states and their influence on state failure processes and on the outbreak of intra-state wars. Since the end of the Cold War, the current of thought that merged security and development has become prevalent in analysing the causes and in providing policy suggestions to prevent states from succumbing to dynamics of violence fuelled by need, greed, and grievance - which are generated and intensified in situations of underdevelopment. As the stage for most of the world\'s least developed countries and the largest number of intrastate conflicts that have taken place over the last thirty years, Sub-Saharan Africa has been portrayed as locus immutabilis, whose problems had few or none feasible solutions. In this regard, the region\'s endemic underdevelopment was used as a conceptual umbrella since it would intensify the harmful consequences of certain types of political regimes, of the unequal distribution of wealth and economic opportunities, and the ethnic incompatibility that would exist in their countries. Following this line of thought, resolving the situation of underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan African states would suffice to reverse processes of state failure and civil wars would no longer happen. However, it is possible to question this relationship between security and development since countries that have the same level of underdevelopment had different outcomes, having some of them capitulated to violent dynamics and others not. This thesis therefore aims to identify the causes of civil wars and state failure in the region. It argues that it is the low level of state authority (and not underdevelopment) that is the determining factor for the advent of civil wars and state failure in Sub-Saharan Africa. In order to achieve this result data from 44 countries in the region provided by the World Bank\'s Worldwide Governance Indicators and the same data used by the UN to classify the LDCs were analysed. Qualitative analysis was also conducted about the history of countries where peace has prevailed since independence to assess the foundations of state authority.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo avaliar o papel da autoridade estatal e do desenvolvimento na estabilidade dos Estados da África Subsaariana e a influência que têm nos processos de falência estatal e de eclosão de guerras intraestatais. Desde o fim da Guerra Fria, a corrente de pensamento que fundia segurança e desenvolvimento tornou-se predominante para analisar as causas e fornecer sugestões de políticas para impedir que os Estados sucumbissem a dinâmicas de violência, fomentadas por necessidade, ganância e agravo - todos gerados e intensificados em situações de subdesenvolvimento. Palco de boa parte dos países menos desenvolvidos (PMDs) do mundo e da grande maioria dos conflitos intraestatais que ocorreram nos últimos trinta anos, a África Subsaariana foi retratada como locus immutabilis, cujos problemas tinham poucas ou nenhuma solução possível. Desta forma, o subdesenvolvimento endêmico da região foi usado como guarda-chuva conceitual uma vez que intensificaria as consequências nocivas de certos tipos de regimes políticos, da distribuição desigual das riquezas e oportunidades econômicas e da incompatibilidade étnica que existiria em seus países. Seguindo esta linha de pensamento, bastaria resolver a situação do subdesenvolvimento nos Estados da África Subsaariana que seus processos de falência seriam revertidos e as guerras civis não mais aconteceriam. No entanto, é possível questionar esta relação entre segurança e desenvolvimento dado que países que têm o mesmo nível de subdesenvolvimento diferiram em seus destinos, tendo alguns sucumbido às dinâmicas violentas e outros não. Este trabalho pretende, portanto, identificar as causas das guerras civis e da falência de Estados na região. Este trabalho argumenta que é a baixa autoridade estatal (e não o subdesenvolvimento) a condição determinante para o advento de guerras civis e da falência de Estado na África Subsaariana. Para chegar a tal resultado, analisou-se os dados de 44 Estados da região fornecidos pelo Worldwide Governance Indicators do Banco Mundial e os mesmos dados utilizados pela ONU para classificar os PMDs. Também se utilizou análise qualitativa sobre a história dos países onde a paz imperou desde a independência para avaliar as fundações da autoridade estatal. / This thesis looks forward to assessing the role of state authority and development in the stability of Sub-Saharan African states and their influence on state failure processes and on the outbreak of intra-state wars. Since the end of the Cold War, the current of thought that merged security and development has become prevalent in analysing the causes and in providing policy suggestions to prevent states from succumbing to dynamics of violence fuelled by need, greed, and grievance - which are generated and intensified in situations of underdevelopment. As the stage for most of the world\'s least developed countries and the largest number of intrastate conflicts that have taken place over the last thirty years, Sub-Saharan Africa has been portrayed as locus immutabilis, whose problems had few or none feasible solutions. In this regard, the region\'s endemic underdevelopment was used as a conceptual umbrella since it would intensify the harmful consequences of certain types of political regimes, of the unequal distribution of wealth and economic opportunities, and the ethnic incompatibility that would exist in their countries. Following this line of thought, resolving the situation of underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan African states would suffice to reverse processes of state failure and civil wars would no longer happen. However, it is possible to question this relationship between security and development since countries that have the same level of underdevelopment had different outcomes, having some of them capitulated to violent dynamics and others not. This thesis therefore aims to identify the causes of civil wars and state failure in the region. It argues that it is the low level of state authority (and not underdevelopment) that is the determining factor for the advent of civil wars and state failure in Sub-Saharan Africa. In order to achieve this result data from 44 countries in the region provided by the World Bank\'s Worldwide Governance Indicators and the same data used by the UN to classify the LDCs were analysed. Qualitative analysis was also conducted about the history of countries where peace has prevailed since independence to assess the foundations of state authority.

1 Abstract: The division of state authority ilustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic with the focus on the position of the head of the state Key words: separation of state authority, constitutional laws, the legislative, the executive, the judiciary, the head of state, presidential system, parliamentary system Abstrackt: This thesis addresses the historical separation of state authority which is illustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic, especially on the position of the head of the state. The goal is to identify the identical and differing characteristics of the presidential status of both republics. The thesis is divided into three chapters and into a sub-chapters. The first chapter explains the development of the decomposition of the state authority from the first theoretical thoughts to the practical incorporation into the political system. The Second chapter describes in separate sub-chapters, the division of the state authority in Czech Republic and France. Third chapter is dedicated to the position, mandate, election and the competencies of the head of the state in both countries. Subsequently the gathered information is summarized in a sub-chapter, where the identical and differing characteristics of both presidential functions is discussed.