After 1978, China caught up the trend of globalization, the internet was also raised in China. China started to develop the internet in end of 1980. Until 1994, the internet was developed rapidly. With the development of the internet, the relationship between state and society in China had the different situation, which made the influence with Chinese political development. There had been some situations which couldn¡¦t be reported, it can be happened in the public sphere. Since then, the Chinese government noticed the power of the internet, and started to develop and interact, that can help the Chinese government to realize the comment from people. And the internet also helps people to convey their voice to everywhere. Therefore the development of internet helps improvements of civil society and democracy in China as well. This caused a threat to the Chinese government; the Chinese government used various skills to control the internet. When Google entered in China, it also has to follow the rules in China. It had had to delete and filter the searching results; this made Google to decide to leave Chinese market, and also made the international world to concern the internet control in China. This research used Google as a case study to discuss the internet control and the influence of public opinions on internet in China. This research also used the state-society as the theory to observe the transformer of society-society relationship in China.

After the 1978 economic reform in China, the society is slowly detaching from the control of state. The civil society in China is also growing, the grassroots (local) NGOs increase fast. Along with the globalization, China is unable to avoid the INGOs activities inside the country. This study is going to discuss what¡¦s the effect and function(change)that INGOs would bring to China. For these years, be a part in global society is the most important work for China. That¡¦s why this study takes global civil society as background, and firstly research how INGOs interact and cooperate with the local NGOs in China. Second, observe the interaction mode between these two type NGOs through the framework of advocacy networks. Finally, we would understand the NGOs¡¦ development in China by Corporatism, and we could prove that the local NGOs¡¦ activities are affected by the global civil society and advocacy networks. We could clearly understand what is the effect of INGOs bring to China through these three structures. And what is China¡¦s attitude toward the INGOs. Besides the discussion on theories, this study also uses the statistical analysis to analyze 246 INGOs which have actual work in China. We will discuss their activity project, area, organizational funding, and the related legal regulation. After analyzed these 4 factors, we could find out what¡¦s the role China is playing in those INGOs activities. In the end, from the analysis of state, local NGOs and INGOs interactions in China, this study also discovers that INGOs in different areas would implement different activity project, and the outcome would also be different.

Research this probe into Greenpeace actives in entering China change to launch activities with case study. In every activity of Greenpeace, especially observe the development patterns in China of the Greenpeace organization with the contamination accident of the electronics waste. Each aspects involved can be found out how the international NGO uses one's own influence to influence the decision on the environmental protection topic of Chinese Government in the incident. Understanding it influences making propping up Corporatism how the international NGO comes from it. The thesis carries on the discussion on the development of the NGOs in China. Probe into Chinese society and the transitions of the state-society relationship with the evolution of the NGOs of China themselves, and then introduce China¡¦s NGOs versus one's own NGOs with the norm on the system legally separately. It also helps to understand and make the Corporatism controlling the state-society relationship of China. And then we come to regard globalization of the environmental protection topic as the theme, and explain the influence that the environmental protection topic is globalization. Globalization has condensed panhuman the environmental consciousness of civil society. It is through the envirmental international NGOs to practice the goals to protect our envirnment. The environmental problem of China is paid attention to gradually this wave of globalization at the same time. It also lets the international NGOs realize that launch the necessity of the activities in China, too. On the other hand, it introduces development and operations of the Greenpeace by the discussion of this component; it will offer us an intacter understanding. It is the focal point of this thesis that Greenpeace and government, enterprise, media, international organization, etc. Regarding contaminatal accident of the electronics waste is as individual case finally. In this dissertaton, I also discuss with more specific introduction about how the Greenpeace uses its own resource to enforce every activies, build and constructe the advocacy networks of proposing, make the best of the relation with each side to give play to the influence of international NGOs. From the electronics waste contamination accident, it shows that the Greenpeace is engaged in. We can find out how the international NGOs use huge resource to develop in China. Under making up doctrine influence, it reflects one's own value to prove that China still needs international NGOs to help to Chinese problems under the same topic. It shows the important role of the international NGOs in the world.

本文以2008年汶川地震與2013年雅安地震為例，探究中國大陸國家與社會關係的變遷，一方面，剖析政府如何建立救災體系及管理社會組織，另一方面，剖析社會組織如何以聯合行動投入災難救援。學理層面，以「統合主義」與「資源動員理論」為基礎；實務層面，汶川地震救災時期選取「NGO四川救災聯合辦公室」、「四川512民間救助服務中心」為研究案例，雅安地震救災時期選取「深圳壹基金公益基金會」、「四川尚明公益發展研究中心」與「NGO備災中心」為研究案例，透過比較研究方式，探討國家結構與社會行動間的轉變。本文認為中國大陸社會組織類型除「官辦組織」（Government Organized Non-Governmental Organization，簡稱GONGO）與「非政府組織」（Non-Governmental Organization，簡稱NGO）外，存在另一社會組織類型領導及處理合法性與聯合性問題，即本文自行界定的「社會聚合型組織」（Society Congregated Non-Governmental Organization，簡稱SCNGO），期以提供新的研究角度。 / This article focuses on the transition of relationship between state and society from Wenchuan earthquake to Yaan earthquake in China. On the one hand, it analyses the government how to build disaster rescue system and manage social organization. On the other hand, it analyses social organization s how to rescue by collective action. The basis of theory is Corporatism and Resource Mobilization Theory. The case study of Wenchuan earthquake is NGO Sichuan Relief Joint Office and Sichuan 512 NGO Services Center. The case study of Yaan earthquake is One Foundation, Sichuan Shang Ming Social Development Research Center and NGO Disaster Preparedness Center. Through comparative study, it explores the transformation of state structures and social action. The type of social organization in China is Government Organized Non-Governmental Organization(GONGO) and Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). The author argues that there is another type of NGO that deal with organizational legality and collective action, and it names “Society Congregated Non-Governmental Organization(SCNGO). ” It wants to provide a new perspective.

This thesis examines the structural and conjunuctural constraints that inhibit the emergence of a civil society and democracy in Ethiopia, 1991-2005. Freedom and democracy are taken as precondition for development and social transformation. It introduces a model of how state and society relationship affects development and social transformation in transitional societies placing freedom as a pivotal link. The thesis establishes a marked continuum in the modalities of state and society relationship throughout the three post-War governments in Ethiopia. It examines the current state/society relationship and highlights lack of freedom as the major constraint. This is examined against the backdrop of what the historical realm for social change in post-War Ethiopia is, namely freedom and democracy. It examines the policies of the current government (EPRDF) on non-state organizations, the 'theoretical' rationales it advanced and how the perceptions that the ruling party held back in 1975 haven't changed. It holds that the government exacerbated the problem of the fragile relationship it had with society. The thesis also examines the government's policy on ethnicity as the 'rationale' that governs the functions of its institutions of governance and deconstructs the concepts of EPRRDF's "revolutionary democracy", the dichotomy between quality and quantity as well as between cadres and experts. It also deconstructs the EPRDF's thesis on the "national question" both in terms of its claims to have proceeded from the positions of the old student movement on the one hand and from the Marxian theoretical perception on the "national question" on the other. The analysis is extended to examine, within the poverty-unfreedom nexus, the development challenges that Ethiopia currently faces. Four major development challenges are advanced for examination: gender, environment, rural development and population. The thesis concludes that the EPRDF has failed to resolve these structural problems. EPRDF's exclusion of the nascent civil society, suppression of freedom and official political opposition are taken as the main factors behind the failure. The case of the 2005 elections is presented as a sequel to the thesis. / Sociology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

This thesis examines the structural and conjunuctural constraints that inhibit the emergence of a civil society and democracy in Ethiopia, 1991-2005. Freedom and democracy are taken as precondition for development and social transformation. It introduces a model of how state and society relationship affects development and social transformation in transitional societies placing freedom as a pivotal link. The thesis establishes a marked continuum in the modalities of state and society relationship throughout the three post-War governments in Ethiopia. It examines the current state/society relationship and highlights lack of freedom as the major constraint. This is examined against the backdrop of what the historical realm for social change in post-War Ethiopia is, namely freedom and democracy. It examines the policies of the current government (EPRDF) on non-state organizations, the 'theoretical' rationales it advanced and how the perceptions that the ruling party held back in 1975 haven't changed. It holds that the government exacerbated the problem of the fragile relationship it had with society. The thesis also examines the government's policy on ethnicity as the 'rationale' that governs the functions of its institutions of governance and deconstructs the concepts of EPRRDF's "revolutionary democracy", the dichotomy between quality and quantity as well as between cadres and experts. It also deconstructs the EPRDF's thesis on the "national question" both in terms of its claims to have proceeded from the positions of the old student movement on the one hand and from the Marxian theoretical perception on the "national question" on the other. The analysis is extended to examine, within the poverty-unfreedom nexus, the development challenges that Ethiopia currently faces. Four major development challenges are advanced for examination: gender, environment, rural development and population. The thesis concludes that the EPRDF has failed to resolve these structural problems. EPRDF's exclusion of the nascent civil society, suppression of freedom and official political opposition are taken as the main factors behind the failure. The case of the 2005 elections is presented as a sequel to the thesis. / Sociology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)