This is a study on the syntax of V-V resultative constructions in Mandarin Chinese within the generative framework. I investigate three aspects of these constructions: the generation of resultative V-V compounds, the syntactic structure of V-V resultatives, and their alternation properties. First, I investigate in which component of grammar and with what mechanisms resultative V-V compounds are generated. With regard to the generation of complex words, Marantz (2000) proposes that words are generated in two different syntactic domains, the inner domain of a lexical root and the outer domain, and words thus generated demonstrate different properties. Adopting this proposal, I propose a syntactic analysis of the generation of resultative V-V compounds. One observation of this study is that V-V resultative compounds and another type of V-V compounds in Mandarin Chinese, parallel V-V compounds, while seemingly similar, possess systematically different properties. Based on this observation, I argue that resultative V-V compounds are formed in the outer domain, by combining two categorized verbs (vP1 and vP2), while parallel V-V compounds are formed in the inner domain, in which the two acategorical lexical roots (√1 and √2) combine first to form a root complex, which then merges with little v. Second, I explore an event-mapping approach to the syntactic structure of V-V resultatives. Regarding the syntactic representation of the semantic event structures, the isomorphism hypothesis (e.g., Lin, 2004; Ramchand, 2008) postulates that there is a transparent correspondence between semantic subevents and the syntactic element of vPs. Particularly, Lin’s (2004) isomorphism analysis argues that two types of V-V resultative constructions, object-oriented and subject-oriented V-V resultatives, have the same event structure, and therefore have the same syntactic structure, in which three vPs represent three subevents. In the present study, based on the adverbial modification properties, I argue that an isomorphism analysis of Mandarin V-V resultatives does not hold, and that the two types of V-V resultatives have different syntactic structures. To be more specific, while the syntactic structure of object-oriented V-V resultatives contains two vPs, a vCAUSEP that takes as its complement a vBECOMEP, the syntactic structure of subject-oriented V-V resultatives contains a single vBECOMEP. This analysis reveals that, while object-oriented V-V resultatives are causative constructions, subject-oriented V-V resultatives are inchoative unaccusative predicates, despite the ‘cause-result’ meaning they convey. Finally, based on the analysis that object-oriented and subject-oriented V-V resultatives have different syntactic structures, I account for their alternation properties. I propose that the alternative uses of these two types of V-V resultatives fall into two different categorizations: decausativization (of object-oriented resultatives) and causativization (of subject-oriented resultatives). I then argue that (most of) the properties of the alternative uses of V-V resultatives have two sources: the distinctive semantic and syntactic properties of subject-oriented resultatives, and the Direct Causation Condition on the subject in causatives. / Graduate

abstract: This dissertation investigates the precise degree to which prosody and syntax are related. One possibility is that the syntax-prosody mapping is one-to-one (“isomorphic”) at an underlying level (Chomsky & Halle 1968, Selkirk 1996, 2011, Ito & Mester 2009). This predicts that prosodic units should preferably match up with syntactic units. It is also possible that the mapping between these systems is entirely non-isomorphic, with prosody being influenced by factors from language perception and production (Wheeldon & Lahiri 1997, Lahiri & Plank 2010). In this work, I argue that both perspectives are needed in order to address the full range of phonological phenomena that have been identified in English and related languages, including word-initial lenition/flapping, word-initial segment-deletion, and vowel reduction in function words, as well as patterns of pitch accent assignment, final-pronoun constructions, and the distribution of null complementizer allomorphs. In the process, I develop models for both isomorphic and non-isomorphic phrasing. The former is cast within a Minimalist syntactic framework of Merge/Label and Bare Phrase Structure (Chomsky 2013, 2015), while the latter is characterized by a stress-based algorithm for the formation of phonological domains, following Lahiri & Plank (2010). / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2019

<p>The topic of this thesis is the syntax of free relative<br />clauses and specificational pseudoclefts, with the focus on<br />English and Serbian. It offers a unifying analysis for the<br />range of phenomena related to the syntax of free relative<br />clauses in English and Serbian, within a structure sharing,<br />or multi-dominance approach. This approach assumes the<br />existence of a particular type of displacement in syntax,<br />which is referred to as grafting, and argues for its validity<br />on theoretical and empirical ground.<br />It is argued in this thesis that grafting enables a more<br />parsimonious account of a range of phenomena related to<br />the properties of free relatives in both languages.<br />As far as the Serbian data is concerned, it has been shown<br />that the common observation about a less constrained<br />8<br />distribution of FRs in langugages with null subjects is<br />wrong, and the analysis of the relevant data is provided.<br />This thesis also provides an account of specificational<br />pseudoclefts in Serbian &ndash; determining what counts as this<br />type of construction and to what degree it matches the<br />properties of English specificiational pseudoclefts. It has<br />been argued that their derivation involves predicate<br />raising and not the question-plus-deletion analysis.<br />Finally, this work provides an important insight into the<br />nature of clausal predicates inside copular constructions<br />in English and Serbian the key properties that connect<br />them.</p> / <p>Tema ove teze je sintaksa dopunskih nominalnih klauza i<br />neodređenih generalizirajućih zavisnih rečenica u<br />engleskom i srpskom jeziku. Ovaj rad nudi zajedničku<br />analizu niza fenomena koji su karakteristični za dopunske<br />relativne klauze u engleskom i srpskom, u duhu pristupa<br />zajedničkih struktura ili vi&scaron;estruke dominacije. Ovaj<br />pristup pretpostavlja postojanje posebne vrste<br />sintaksickog spajanja konstituenata, koje se naziva i<br />kalemljenjem, a ovaj rad dokazuje njegovu validnost i<br />emprijisku zasnovanost.<br />Glavna teza ovog rada je da kalemljenje omogućava<br />jednostavnije obja&scaron;njenje niza fenomena vezanih za<br />karakterstike dopunskih nominalnih klauza u oba jezika.<br />&Scaron;to se tiče podataka iz srpskog jezika, ova teza pokazuje<br />da je pogre&scaron;na uobičajena konstatacija o slobodnijoj<br />distribuciji dopunskih nominalnih klauza u jezicima sa<br />fonolo&scaron;ki nerealizovanim subjektom, i nudi analizu<br />činjenica koje su u tom pogledu relevantne.<br />Ova teza takođe nudi analizu neodređenih<br />generalizirajućih zavisnih klauza u srpskom jeziku tako<br />&scaron;to defini&scaron;e tip konstrukicje koji se može smatrati ovom<br />vrstom klauze, kao i meru u kojoj ona deli svojstva sa<br />ovim tipom klauza u engleskom jeziku. Ovaj rad<br />obrazlaže za&scaron;to je pomeranje predikata adekvatnija<br />analiza ovih konstrukcija od analize poznate kao pitanje<br />plus brisanje. Konačno, ovaj rad nudi zanimljivo<br />zapažanje u vezi sa prirodom klauza koje imaju funkciju<br />predikata u prostim rečenicama sa glagolom biti.</p>

The focus of this thesis is the description and analysis of clausal complementation in Sundanese, an Austronesian language spoken in Indonesia. The thesis examined a range of clausal complement types in Sundanese, which consists of (i) yén(/wi)/réhna 'that' complements, (ii) pikeun 'for' complements, (iii) sangkan/supaya/ngarah/sina 'so that' complements, (iv) raising complements, (v) crossed control complements, and (vi) nominalizations. This varied set of complement structures display distinct properties in terms of the sort of elements admitted in the complements. The theoretical aspect of the thesis is the examination of two important generalizations: (i) that complementation is a universal feature of human languages (Noonan 1985, 2007); and (ii) the well-accepted precept that finiteness plays a role in the world's languages. This thesis provides evidence that Sundanese evinces (syntactic) complementation and that any claim to the contrary is unfounded. In terms of finiteness, despite the lack of overt morphological manifestations of finiteness, the thesis argues that finiteness seems to be at work in Sundanese and that it operates as it does in other languages to account for the distribution of overt subjects. In addition, the body of data presented herein is also germane to a host of other theoretical issues, especially with regard to Austronesian languages. The first is inclusion of VoiceP in a clausal structure. Following (Sukarno 2003, Son 2006, Son & Cole 2008, Cole et al. 2008, Ko 2009 and Legate 2011), the thesis adopts an additional functional layer above vP, i.e. VoiceP, to harbor voice marking. It is proposed that in Sundanese transitives, both actor DPs in active sentences and actor PPs in passive counterparts are arguments and are therefore merged in the same slot, i.e. Spec,vP. The second theoretical point investigated in this thesis is whether Raising to Object and Proleptic NP constructions are alike or different. In this thesis, I claim that the two types of constructions should be analyzed as instantiations of two distinct structures, mainly due to structural properties: Raising to Object involves movement, while prolepsis does not. The next theoretical issue has to do with a subset of control predicates, which exhibits behaviors atypical of canonical control. I propose a slightly different analysis that draws upon earlier accounts (Polinsky& Potsdam 2008; Fukuda 2008; Nomoto 2008, 2011, Sato & Kitada 2012). On the basis of (a) the presence of a plural marked-verb inside the crossed control complement and (b) the apparent parallelism between the ordinary control and the crossed control, I postulate that the structure for the two types of control of the same predicates is identical, in which case their complement includes VoiceP. The last theoretical concern is related to the fact certain nominal structures display verb-like properties. Following Alexiadou (2001), the present thesis proposes that, like verbal structures, some nominals contain functional projections such as AspP, VoiceP and VP. This naturally explains why nominals exhibit verbal properties that they do.

This thesis explores finite control in Korean. An overview of the previous studies of control shows that the mainstream literature on control has consistently argued that referential dependence between an overt matrix argument and an embedded null subject is characteristic of non-finite clauses which contain a PRO subject. Moreover, although some evidence for finite control involving pro in several languages has been presented, a PRO analysis of finite control has been firmly established in the literature. This thesis, however, argues that the currently established approach to Obligatory Control (OC), which is confined to PRO, cannot account for OC in Korean, and provides an empirical and theoretical analysis of finite control containing a pro subject in Korean. Although finite OC in Korean differs from non-finite OC in other languages in that the former can allow an overt NP coreferential with a matrix argument in the null subject position, finite OC in Korean displays the same properties of OC which are widely employed as the criteria for defining OC in non-finite clauses. This thesis adopts the formal approach to finiteness in which finiteness is defined as an ability of licensing nominative subjects. However, reviewing the cross-linguistic data in the literature reveals that the feature determining finiteness should not be restricted to just Tense and Agreement, as the formal approaches have argued, and that languages may vary in determining finiteness. It also explores the relevance of Mood and Modality as the manifestation of finiteness in Korean. Based on this, this thesis argues for the CP status of finite OC in Korean and a pro analysis of the null subject in the constructions. Through an investigation of six complementation types that have or have not been grouped under the types of control in the literature along with ninety matrix predicates which are classified into nine different categories based on their semantic class, this thesis further argues that OC in Korean cannot be explained by a solely syntax-based or semantically-based theory. OC in Korean is mainly the result of multiple semantic factors, but syntactic and pragmatic factors can also play a role in determining control.

This dissertation is an investigation of serial verb constructions in Lao (Tai-Kadai, SVO) and the events that they encode. Serial verb constructions (SVCs), structures where multiple verbs appear in a single clause, raise several important questions for syntactic theory. One issue is how the verbs are related; proposals involving coordination (Payne 1985), subordination (Collins 1997), and adjunction (Hale 1991; Muansuwan 2002) have all been made, while others have made a case for unorthodox double-headed structures (Baker & Stewart 2002; Baker 1989). Additionally, the argument sharing seen in SVCs is seemingly incompatible with proposed constraints on theta-role assignment, such as the Theta-Criterion (Chomsky 1981) or the Biuniqueness Condition (Bresnan 1980). In this thesis I describe new data from the Lao language focusing on two subtypes of SVC that Stewart (1998) calls consequential SVCs (CSVCs) and resultative SVCs (RSVCs). I propose a generative analysis of these structures where an event head licenses a complex VP containing multiple verbs where the object is thematically related to the complex VP rather than the individual predicates. Evidence for the event head comes from a modified version of the explicit segmentation task (Zacks et al. 2001). During the experiment, participants were instructed to divide video clips into events. When participants saw a CSVC before the video, they divided the action sequence depicted by the CSVC into fewer events than when participants saw a coordinated construction before the video. These results suggest that seeing the SVC prompted the participants to group the target sequence of events in the videos together as a larger macro-event, supporting the claim that SVCs encode a single event (contra Foley 2010). These data also support the proposal that events are conceptualized at the clausal level, rather than at the verbal level, which is in line with proposals from Evans (2010), Jackendoff (1991), and Pustejovsky (1991).

Les récents modèles d’intonation du français (Philippe Martin) ont mis en évidence l’existence d’une macro-syntaxe du discours à l’oral (Blanche-Benveniste). L’application de ces modèles à la tournure rhétorique appelée « apostrophe » apporte plusieurs éclairages sur le fonctionnement de cette tournure. Notamment, elle permet d’expliquer la distinction entre apostrophe référentielle (du type de l’appel) et apostrophe prédicative (du type de l’insulte). Fort de ces résultats, l’étude de la parole parlée fournit alors un compendium d’observations et d’outils applicables au matériel de la linguistique historique. / Recent models of French intonation (Philippe Martin) revealed the existence of a macro-syntax of speech (Blanche-Benveniste). The application of these models to rhetoric form called "apostrophe" provides many insights into the workings of this form. In particular, it helps to explain the distinction between referential apostrophe (the type of call) and predicative apostrophe (the type of insult). From these results, the study of the spoken language provides a compendium of observations and tools for historical linguistic research.

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