The focus of this thesis is the description and analysis of clausal complementation in Sundanese, an Austronesian language spoken in Indonesia. The thesis examined a range of clausal complement types in Sundanese, which consists of (i) yén(/wi)/réhna 'that' complements, (ii) pikeun 'for' complements, (iii) sangkan/supaya/ngarah/sina 'so that' complements, (iv) raising complements, (v) crossed control complements, and (vi) nominalizations. This varied set of complement structures display distinct properties in terms of the sort of elements admitted in the complements. The theoretical aspect of the thesis is the examination of two important generalizations: (i) that complementation is a universal feature of human languages (Noonan 1985, 2007); and (ii) the well-accepted precept that finiteness plays a role in the world's languages. This thesis provides evidence that Sundanese evinces (syntactic) complementation and that any claim to the contrary is unfounded. In terms of finiteness, despite the lack of overt morphological manifestations of finiteness, the thesis argues that finiteness seems to be at work in Sundanese and that it operates as it does in other languages to account for the distribution of overt subjects. In addition, the body of data presented herein is also germane to a host of other theoretical issues, especially with regard to Austronesian languages. The first is inclusion of VoiceP in a clausal structure. Following (Sukarno 2003, Son 2006, Son & Cole 2008, Cole et al. 2008, Ko 2009 and Legate 2011), the thesis adopts an additional functional layer above vP, i.e. VoiceP, to harbor voice marking. It is proposed that in Sundanese transitives, both actor DPs in active sentences and actor PPs in passive counterparts are arguments and are therefore merged in the same slot, i.e. Spec,vP. The second theoretical point investigated in this thesis is whether Raising to Object and Proleptic NP constructions are alike or different. In this thesis, I claim that the two types of constructions should be analyzed as instantiations of two distinct structures, mainly due to structural properties: Raising to Object involves movement, while prolepsis does not. The next theoretical issue has to do with a subset of control predicates, which exhibits behaviors atypical of canonical control. I propose a slightly different analysis that draws upon earlier accounts (Polinsky& Potsdam 2008; Fukuda 2008; Nomoto 2008, 2011, Sato & Kitada 2012). On the basis of (a) the presence of a plural marked-verb inside the crossed control complement and (b) the apparent parallelism between the ordinary control and the crossed control, I postulate that the structure for the two types of control of the same predicates is identical, in which case their complement includes VoiceP. The last theoretical concern is related to the fact certain nominal structures display verb-like properties. Following Alexiadou (2001), the present thesis proposes that, like verbal structures, some nominals contain functional projections such as AspP, VoiceP and VP. This naturally explains why nominals exhibit verbal properties that they do.

This thesis explores finite control in Korean. An overview of the previous studies of control shows that the mainstream literature on control has consistently argued that referential dependence between an overt matrix argument and an embedded null subject is characteristic of non-finite clauses which contain a PRO subject. Moreover, although some evidence for finite control involving pro in several languages has been presented, a PRO analysis of finite control has been firmly established in the literature. This thesis, however, argues that the currently established approach to Obligatory Control (OC), which is confined to PRO, cannot account for OC in Korean, and provides an empirical and theoretical analysis of finite control containing a pro subject in Korean. Although finite OC in Korean differs from non-finite OC in other languages in that the former can allow an overt NP coreferential with a matrix argument in the null subject position, finite OC in Korean displays the same properties of OC which are widely employed as the criteria for defining OC in non-finite clauses. This thesis adopts the formal approach to finiteness in which finiteness is defined as an ability of licensing nominative subjects. However, reviewing the cross-linguistic data in the literature reveals that the feature determining finiteness should not be restricted to just Tense and Agreement, as the formal approaches have argued, and that languages may vary in determining finiteness. It also explores the relevance of Mood and Modality as the manifestation of finiteness in Korean. Based on this, this thesis argues for the CP status of finite OC in Korean and a pro analysis of the null subject in the constructions. Through an investigation of six complementation types that have or have not been grouped under the types of control in the literature along with ninety matrix predicates which are classified into nine different categories based on their semantic class, this thesis further argues that OC in Korean cannot be explained by a solely syntax-based or semantically-based theory. OC in Korean is mainly the result of multiple semantic factors, but syntactic and pragmatic factors can also play a role in determining control.

<p>This paper argues that there is a finiteness distinction in Hdi and that the notion is of value for a description of the language. The definition of finiteness suitable for the language has been suggested to be the one given by Anderson (2007) combined with Bisang (2007). The finite clauses are argued to be the pragmatically independent ones while the non-finite clauses are argued to be the pragmatically dependent. However, no morphological reductions were found in the non-finite clauses relative to the finite ones. What is more, negation in Hdi shows a nontypical behaviour regarding finiteness properties as there are aspectual distinctions made for dependent clauses that are not made for independent. Verbless clauses and imperatives may be viewed as finite and non-finite depending on their capacity to licence independent predication or, alternatively, they may be viewed as not displaying finiteness properties at all. The latter is argued to be preferred in order to avoid a redundant definition of finiteness.</p>

Thesis advisor: William D. Davies. Includes bibliographic references (p. 296-308).

<p> A finiteness criterion is given for finitely generated positively ordered semigroups and this is used to show that various semigroups of operators in universal algebra are finite.</p> / Thesis / Master of Science (MSc)

A group Γ is of type F_n for some n ≥ 1 if it has a classifying complex with finite n-skeleton. These properties generalise the classical notions of finite generation and finite presentability. We investigate the higher finiteness properties for fibre products of groups.

<p>Traditionellt har tempusböjning och person-/numeruskongruens på verb varit de starkaste kriterierna för finithet. Det har dock visat sig vara svårapplicerade kriterier för många språk och finithet på satsnivå – huruvida en sats är självständig eller ej – har blivit en viktig fråga för definitionen.</p><p>Uppsatsen syftar till att beskriva och analysera finithetsfenomenet utifrån språket trumaí.</p><p>Det tycks finnas flera fenomen som är tecken på en finithetsdistinktion i trumaí, framför allt -n/-e-klitikan som markerar 3Abs på verbet vid absolutivargumentets frånvaro, samt FT-partiklarna som har en tempusfunktion. För imperativ verkar det vara så att imperativpartiklarna har en intern distribution baserad på person och animathet hos absolutivargumentet, vilket kan tolkas som att det finns en argumentkongruens frikopplad från den semantiska inkorporeringen av andraperson som subjekt. Gällande finithet på satsnivå finns det i trumaí både finita och infinita satser som kan fungera som bisatser. I strukturer där verbet beter sig prototypiskt är satsen finit, medan andra strukturers verb tycks ha rört sig mot att bete sig nominellt, varpå satsen fungerar annorlunda och är infinit.</p>

Codensity monads are ubiquitous, as are various different notions of compactness and finiteness. Two such examples of "compact" spaces are compact Hausdorff Spaces and Linearly Compact Vector Spaces. Compact Hausdorff Spaces are the algebras of the codensity monad induced by the inclusion of finite sets in the category of sets. Similarly linearly compact vector spaces are the algebras of the codensity monad induced by the inclusion of finite dimensional vector spaces in the category of vector spaces. So in these two examples the notions of finiteness, compactness and codensity are intertwined. In this thesis we generalise these results. To do this we generalise the notion of ultrafilter, and follow the intuition of the compact Hausdorff case. We give definitions of general notions of "finiteness" and "compactness" and show that the algebras for the codensity monad induced by the "finite" objects are exactly the "compact" objects.

This paper argues that there is a finiteness distinction in Hdi and that the notion is of value for a description of the language. The definition of finiteness suitable for the language has been suggested to be the one given by Anderson (2007) combined with Bisang (2007). The finite clauses are argued to be the pragmatically independent ones while the non-finite clauses are argued to be the pragmatically dependent. However, no morphological reductions were found in the non-finite clauses relative to the finite ones. What is more, negation in Hdi shows a nontypical behaviour regarding finiteness properties as there are aspectual distinctions made for dependent clauses that are not made for independent. Verbless clauses and imperatives may be viewed as finite and non-finite depending on their capacity to licence independent predication or, alternatively, they may be viewed as not displaying finiteness properties at all. The latter is argued to be preferred in order to avoid a redundant definition of finiteness.

The goal of this thesis is three-fold: to examine complementation in Balinese from typological, syntactic, and cognitive perspectives. This thesis contributes to typological studies of complementation by providing a descriptive account of the distinguishing syntactic properties of four types of Balinese clausal complements: sentence-like (s-like), Subject Control (SC), Object Control (OC), and Raising complements. The data presented in this thesis demonstrate the clausal complement in Balinese can be differentiated through the kinds of elements that can be admitted within the complements: the type of complementizer, aspectual auxiliaries, modals, temporal specifications, and overt subjects. The theoretical aspect of this thesis is the application of Minimalist theory to account for the syntactic structure of Balinese monoclausal and biclausal constructions. This thesis also addresses a theoretical problem related to the syntactic structure of complementation within Generative syntax: finiteness. The presence of modals, aspectual auxiliaries, and the temporal specification of the complement do not signify finiteness in Balinese. Instead, finiteness in Balinese is marked by the licensing of overt subjects in the clausal complement, following the argument made by Kurniawan & Davies (2015), based on the evidence provided through the comparison of control complements and their subjunctive sentence-like complement counterparts. The cognitive processing of Balinese complementation is investigated through two sentence processing experiments with the goals of understanding how ambiguous Crossed Control Construction (CCC) sentences are processed in comparison to the processing of unambiguous Subject Control (SC) sentences and Raising sentences. The self-paced reading experiment focuses on the comparison of reading times for the verbs in these three types of sentences when the animacy of the subject is manipulated (i.e. animate or inanimate clause-initial DP). The results suggest that CCC sentences are processed differently than the SC and Raising sentences. The second experiment aims at investigating the effect of discourse context on the interpretation of the ambiguous CCC sentences. The results show the influence of context that primes subject control interpretation on the processing of Balinese SC and CC sentences.