This thesis investigates the formal and functional properties of the linguistic knowledge of a young bilingual child 'Katla' who successively acquires Icelandic (L1, from birth) and English (L2, from age 1:3). I present new longitudinal natural speech data which I collected in both Icelandic and English from Katla at regular intervals. Audio-recordings were made roughly three times per month at age 1 ;0-4;7 and transcribed in adapted CHILDES/CHAT format. Using a generative framework, I analyse Katla's data qualitatively and quantitatively, focusing on her morphology and syntax during the period 1;6-3;6: determiners and word order in nominals, copula constructions, progressive constructions, imperatives, negation, verb placement, verb inflections, auxiliaries, and periphrastic do. Katla's development is compared with monolingual English-speaking and Icelandic-speaking children, and, where applicable, with other bilinguals. Particular attention is paid to early grammar differentiation and cross- language influence, and to the relationship between child language and input (construction types and frequencies). The empirical results are evaluated in the light of current theories of language acquisition and generative approaches to syntax. Katla's first multi-word combinations (1;6) show productive use of functional morphology (determiners, copulas). Early on, there is evidence of movement into the DP, IP and CP domains, indicating continuity of these functional categories. Moreover, translational equivalents, language-specific functional morphemes and language-specific word orders in Katla's Icelandic and English bear evidence of early language differentiation in successive child bilingualism. The longitudinal development of morpho-syntax largely progresses along separate lines for Katla's two languages; there is no cross- language influence as regards head parameter and movement parameter settings. Some construction transfer occurs where L1 and L2 linear orders are similar. Ensuing implications for transfer and (de)learnability are addressed.

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This study explores three syntactic issues in the Romanian DP: the cliticization of the definite article, the syntactic position of postnominal APs, and the syntactic properties and position of cel. / First, I show that the affixation of the definite article can be derived by syntactic head movement of the host element to D0. The distributional asymmetries among adjectives with respect to the definite article are accounted for by hypothesizing that they occur in two structurally distinct positions. Adjectives that surface prenominally are heads in the extended nominal projection; while adjectives that surface postnominally are maximal projections. I show that prenominal adjectives (a) block head-movement of the noun to D 0, (b) bypass the same elements as the noun, and (c) are blocked by the same element as the noun. / In chapter 3, I claim that APs surfacing between the noun and its complement are generated to the left of N; and APs that follow the complement of the noun are generated to the right. The postnominal surface position of the former APs is derived by leftward noun head-movement as opposed to remnant phrasal-movement. The evidence hinges on the relative scope among APs. I show that the symmetric approach, supported here, generates all and only attested word-order---scope pairings; while antisymmetry generates additional, unattested pairs. / Finally, I account for the asymmetric distribution of prenominal versus postnominal cel relative to the definite suffix. In previous literature, cel was equated with D0. Conversely, I claim that cel heads a modifier phrase, say celP. I show that prenominal celP has the same syntactic distribution and properties as demonstratives, including the ability to license a covert definite D0; while postnominal celP, like all postnominal modifiers, lacks this property. / This study provides a guide to the structure and movements in the Romanian DP, from its lower domain, the base position of N, up to the DP domain. Throughout, this work, I argue that several empirical generalizations on syntactic distribution are best accounted for by head-movement and the Head Movement Constraint. The evidence I produce comes from morpho-syntax (e.g. cliticization), semantics (e.g. scope interpretation) and plain linear word-order.

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Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1976. / Bibliography: leaves [372]-378. / Microfiche. / xiii, 378 leaves

This study is a partial replication of Pica et al’s study (1989) of comprehensible output, and investigates comprehensible output in NNS-NNS interaction in Japanese as a Foreign Language. Data were collected using two different types of tasks (information gap and jigsaw tasks) in three sub-groups of different proficiency levels (High-High, Low-Low, and High-Low) in order to find out (1) to what extent the tasks provide opportunities for learners to modify their initial output in response to requests for clarification and confirmation, and (2) the extent to which learners actually modify their output in response to interlocutor requests. / The results show that comprehensible output is an important phenomenon in NNS-NNS interaction. Unlike the result of Pica et al, task types had more effect on opportunities for comprehensible output and actual production of comprehensible output than request types. Not much difference was found among different proficiency groups.

Diss., Linköping : Linköpings universitet, 2007.

Zugl.: Diss., 2008