Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Agricultural Economics / Andrew P. Barkley / Tariff rate quotas (TRQs) are one of the most widely used trade policy instruments in agricultural trade. The issue of whether TRQs are efficient trade policy instruments for improving market access has been widely debated. Some believe that TRQs impose an extra barrier to trade, circumvent the reforms sought under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and World Trade Organization (WTO) and may not be as attractive as initially envisioned. Others believe that the TRQs are useful and facilitate trade and liberalization. Any expansion in quota, or decrease in tariffs, or combinations of the two, has the potential to liberalize trade in a specific industry. There is strong clamor for continued reforms in the conduct of agricultural trade – including the implementation of TRQs. The purpose of this study is to increase the understanding of TRQs, and determine the impact of their implementation on the Philippine corn market. Specifically, the study will estimate the quantities of supply, demand, imports, domestic equilibrium prices, and border prices under different TRQ liberalization regimes. In this study, an existing TRQ model was utilized to determine how effective TRQs are as a trade policy instrument for trade liberalization and increasing market access. The results reveal that the Philippine corn market was restricted by the out-quota tariff. De facto liberalization of the TRQ at the level of the out-quota rate (50%) or even at 35% (in-quota rate), does not completely liberalize the corn market. Progressively reducing both tariffs liberalizes the market and leads to increases in surpluses. The lower tariffs, however, lead to less government revenues. The smaller the gap between the in-quota and out-quota, the smaller the quota rents become. Increasing the quotas has no significant impact in liberalizing the corn market, and the increase in imports decrease producer surplus in all cases. The TRQ model of the Philippine corn sector reveals that changing the components of the TRQ would lead to different impacts on supply, demand, consumer, producer and net surplus, and government revenues. Knowledge of the regime in which the country is trading can determine which individual policy instrument of the TRQ, the in-quota and out-quota tariff and the quota, should be used to increase market access or address the concerns of stakeholders in the corn sector. It is thus important for policy makers to find a workable tariff level that would serve the interest of all stakeholders in the sector.

Der Austausch von Waren, Dienstleistungen und Arbeitskräften wird im Falle von politischen Konflikten gestört. Im Palästinensisch-Israelischen Konflikt macht die Machtasymmetrie die palästinensische Wirtschaft abhängig von Israels Politik. Obwohl dieser Konflikt wegen seiner Gewalt und seinen politischen Entwicklungen in den Medien viel beachtet wird, wurden politische Optionen in den Bereichen Handel und Arbeitsmärkte und deren Auswirkungen auf die palästinensische Ökonomie bislang wenig untersucht und bewertet. Dies ist das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit, die sich auf die Ökonomie des Westjordanlands konzentriert. Diese Arbeit macht vier Beiträge zur Wissenschaft: Der erste ist die Entwicklung der ersten Sozialrechnungsmatrix für das Westjordanland. Der zweite ist die empirische Analyse von Auswirkungen unterschiedlicher Arbeitsmarktbedingungen in Gleichgewichtsmodellen. Der dritte ist die Anwendung einer verschachtelten Nutzen-Funktion, die die Vorteile von linearen Ausgabesystemen und konstanter Elastizität von Substitutionsfunktionen kombiniert. Schließlich hat diese Arbeit wichtige politische Implikationen für die Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde (PA). In Bezug auf die Arbeitsmärkte wird gezeigt, dass es für die PA sinnvoll ist eine verstärkte palästinensische Beschäftigung in Israel anzustreben. Dabei sollten die negative Auswirkungen von aus Israel zufließendem Arbeitseinkommen („Holländische Krankheit“) gelindert werden. Dies könnte die PA durch Besteuerung von palästinensischer Beschäftigung in Israel und Schaffung von Anreizen zur Erhöhung der internationalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit erreichen. In Bezug auf den Handel zeigt diese Arbeit, dass das die PA eine liberale, nicht diskriminierende Handelspolitik verfolgen sollte. Da Israel auch in Zukunft wohl der dominierende Handelspartner für das Westjordanland bleiben wird, sollte die PA die freiest mögliche Mobilität von Gütern und Dienstleistung zwischen dem Westjordanland und Israel anstreben. / The movement of goods, services and labour is disrupted when conflicts arise. In the case of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the asymmetry of power between the two parties leaves the Palestinian economy vulnerable to policies implemented by Israel. While this conflict attracts considerable media attention for its violence and political developments, the assessment of the economy-wide implications of trade and labour market policy options on the Palestinian economy is understudied. Exploring these implications is the objective of this thesis, focusing on the West Bank economy. This thesis makes four contributions to science. The first original contribution is the development of the first social accounting matrix for the West Bank. Second, this thesis contributes to the current state of knowledge by assessing empirically the implications of different labour market conditions in general equilibrium models. Third, this thesis contributes to model development by adopting a nested utility function combining the benefits of linear expenditure systems and constant elasticity of substitution functions to depict household preferences. Finally, this thesis has important policy implications for the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Seen the limited development options in the West Bank, it is interesting for the PNA to seek an increased Palestinian employment in Israel in order to improve the welfare of Palestinian households. Meanwhile, the “Dutch disease” effects of labour income inflow from Israel can be mitigated by collecting a tax on Palestinians employed in Israel and incentivising the private sector to invest and create employment opportunities in the domestic market. With respect to trade, this thesis finds that the West Bank would be better off with a liberal and non-discriminatory trade policy. As Israel will remain the main trade partner for the West Bank, the PNA should seek the freest possible movement of goods and services between the West Bank and Israel.