Este trabalho teve por objeto principal os serviços ofertados pelos Convention & Visitors Bureaux (CVBx), avaliados pelo seu grau de importância tanto pela ótica dos seus gestores como por organizadores profissionais de congressos (OPCs). Na qualidade de promotores do destino que representam, e pretendendo o aumento do fluxo de turistas, os CVBx utilizam-se de estratégias que incluem a atração de eventos profissionais. Por esse motivo, essas organizações direcionam seus esforços para a divulgação das potencialidades turísticas da localidade, visando com isso o convencimento dos planejadores desses acontecimentos e de seus intermediários - grupo no qual os organizadores de congressos ocupam lugar de destaque. Para o alcance de uma maior eficácia, entende-se que seja relevante um bom alinhamento entre os desejos e as necessidades dos compradores com a oferta proposta pelos CVBx. Tendo esse pressuposto como diretriz principal, decidiu-se investigar a valoração atribuída aos serviços ofertados, tanto pelos OPCs como pelos próprios CVBx. Teve-se por objetivo principal, gerar uma matriz dos serviços considerados mais importantes por esses intermediários dos compradores de destinos turísticos, ordenada do maior para o menor valor obtido. Pretendeu-se ainda comparar as percepções dos dois grupos, buscando-se evidenciar convergências e divergências na valoração dos serviços. Optou-se pela utilização de uma metodologia de pesquisa exploratório-descritiva, com processo de coleta de informações por meio de formulários estruturados, que incluíam questões de medida de opinião por meio de escalas de intensidade. A aplicação da pesquisa foi realizada junto aos representantes tanto de organizadores, como de CVBx. Definiu-se uma amostragem delimitada por área geográfica (região sul do Brasil) - que representava mais de 20% do universo dos CVBx brasileiros - e OPCs selecionados intencionalmente. A análise dos dados foi quantitativa e utilizou-se de métodos estatísticos. Os resultados encontrados permitem que se perceba um bom alinhamento na atribuição de valor entre os dois grupos, muito embora, tenha sido evidenciado um relacionamento precário e algumas lacunas na disponibilização efetiva desses serviços, com o registro de atividades com alta valoração atribuída e rara oferta / This work has as its principal object the services offered by the Convention & Visitors Bureaus (CVBs), evaluated both from the perspective of its administrators and from professional congress organizers (PCOs). As promoters of the destination, and intending to increase the flow of tourists, CVBs make use of strategies that include the attraction of professional events. For this reason, these organizations direct their efforts to publicize the tourist potential of the region, aiming thereby convincing the planners of these events and their intermediaries - group in which the congress organizers have a prominent place. To achieve greater efficiency, it is understood that is relevant good alignment between the desires and needs of buyers with the offer proposed by CVBs. Taking this assumption as a guiding principle, it was decided to investigate the value attributed to the services offered, by both OPCs as by the CVBs. The primary of this research it was generating an array of services considered most important by these middlemen buyers of tourist destinations, ordered from highest to lowest value obtained. Second aim was to compare the perceptions of the two groups , seeking to highlight similarities and differences in valuation services. It was opted for the use of a descriptive research methodology, with the process of gathering information through structured forms that included questions measuring opinion by means of intensity scales. The application of the research was carried out with representatives of both organizers, as CVBs. It was set up a sampling delimited geographical area (southern Brazil) - which represented more than 20 % of the universe of Brazilian CVBs - and intentionally selected OPCs. Data analysis was quantitative and it was used statistical methods. The results allow us to realize a good alignment on the allocation of value between the two groups, though, have been shown a poor relationship and some gaps in the effective provision of these services, in which there have been activities with high value attributed and rare offer.

Esta tese tem como objetivo refletir sobre um processo de participação realizado em Belém entre os anos de 1997 e 2004, na perspectiva da construção de um projeto coletivo de uso do território desta cidade. Este processo implantado em 1997, através do Orçamento Participativo, e se amplia a partir de 2001, para um processo denominado Congresso da Cidade. A ampliação se reveste de aspectos como um deslocamento da exclusividade ou da ênfase ao debate orçamentário, pelo fortalecimento de um modelo matricial de planejamento apoiado em eixos temáticos intersetorialmente articulados, e na ampliação das representações dos diversos grupos sociais, que passam a se constituir em um elemento de inovação frente ao processo anterior. Procederemos a um exame da sua realização, enquanto um evento no âmbito do sistema de planejamento e de elaboração de um Plano para Belém, como processo de construção enquanto prática democrática, buscando identificar em que medida esta experiência de construção coletiva, como um instrumento político, contribuiu para uso não hegemônico do território. A compreensão desse processo nos levou à demonstração da estratégia de planejamento adotada pelo governo, com vistas a responder, de um lado, às demandas populares, e, de outro, à implementação de um processo que não restringiu ao tema orçamentário. Nesse sentido, é que cerca de 800 mil participações registradas nos oito anos desta experiência, resultaram de um processo de mobilização constitutiva de lugares funcionais aos usos sob diferentes critérios, como as regiões político-administrativas e os grupos sociais, e de processos de escolhas por meio de eleições diretas de conselheiros para compor as instâncias de representação como os Conselhos Distritais e o Conselho da Cidade. Demonstra-se, por meio cartográfico, a distribuição espacial dos participantes e a implementação de políticas em todo o território municipal, o que nos levou a interpretar esta experiência como não esgotada nas suas possibilidades, face à sua constituição como uma intencionalidade de mudança a partir do lugar. / This thesis aims to stress emphasis on a process of participation in Belém between 1997 and 2004, from the perspective of building a collective project on the use of land in this city. This process was initiated in 1997, through the Participative Budget and had its extension from 2001 to a process called City Congress. The expansion will be performed on aspects such as a shift of the exclusivity emphasis of the budget debate, by means of triggering the planning of a matrix model supported by intersectional articulated themes, and the expansion of the representations of various social groups, which constitutes a element of innovation in comparison with the previous process. We will then conduct a review of its implementation, as an event comprised in the system of planning and drafting a plan to Belém, as the building process of a democratic practice in order to identify to what extent this experience of collective construction, as a political instrument, contributed to a nonhegemonic territory. Understanding this process led us to demonstrate the strategy of the planning adopted by the government, in order to respond on the one hand, to popular demands, and on the other, the implementation of a process that is not restricted to the budget issue. In this sense, about 800 000 participations registered along the eight years of this experience, the result of a process of mobilizing the constitutive functional uses of places under different criteria, such as political-administrative regions and social groups, and process choices by means of direct elections of directors to form representative bodies such as District Councils and the City Council. It is shown, by the spatial mapping distribution of participants and implementation of policies throughout the city, which led us to deem the nonconclusiveness of the possibilities of this experience, due to its constitution as an intentional change of the place.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T04:13:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_PriscilaRodrigues_M.pdf: 1021897 bytes, checksum: f32fbbf5a34ba26cdef409b487e0e592 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo central analisar o comportamento do Poder Legislativo em cinco importantes momentos do processo de institucionalização da política de defesa do Brasil: (i) a aprovação da primeira versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (ii) a criação do Ministério da Defesa; (iii) a aprovação da segunda versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (iv) a aprovação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa; e (v) a aprovação da Lei Complementar nº 136 de 2010 que, entre outros pontos, determina a criação do Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional. Tal processo abrange os mandatos dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995 a 2010). Além da descrição de cada um dos momentos citados acima, é abordada a atuação do país na agenda de segurança regional e internacional e são levantados os meios disponíveis ao Congresso Nacional para efetivar sua participação na formulação de política de defesa. Os processos de aprovação de cada uma das políticas e leis são relatados de forma a proporcionar uma visualização da capacidade ou não que o Poder Legislativo tem para alterar matérias que em geral foram propostas pelo Poder Executivo. Por fim, o estudo identifica como o avanço na participação do Poder Legislativo em assuntos de política de defesa foi tímido, porém importante por significar um aumento de representatividade popular no tema / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the behavior of the central legislature in five key moments in the institutionalization of defense policy in Brazil: (i) the approval of the first version of the National Defense Policy, (ii) the creation of the Ministry of Defence (iii) the approval of the second version of the National Defense Policy, (iv) the approval of the National Defense Strategy, and (v) the approval of the Supplementary Law No. 136 of 2010 which, among other things, provides for the creation of the Book white National Defense. This process covers the mandates of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995-2010). Besides the description of each of the above moments, we discuss the performance of the country on the agenda of regional and international security and are raised the resources available to Congress in order to strengthen their participation in the formulation of defense policy. The approval processes for each of the policies and laws are related to provide a view of the Legislative Power?s capacity or not to change matters that in general have been proposed by the Executive Power. Finally, the study identifies how the progress in the participation of the Legislative Power in matters of defense policy was shy, but important because it signifies the increase of representation in popular theme / Mestrado / Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

M.A. (Political Studies) / This dissertation investigates theoretical aspects of the mobilisational strategies of the African National Congress and its surrogate organisations within the context of the development of their strategic doctrine and utilises the townships of Port Alfred and Cradock as examples. The study focuses on the mechanisms utilised by the African National Congress to mobilise support for its programme during the period 1980-1988. This thesis argues that the activities and actions of the ANC which took place in certain select areas in the Eastern Cape Region of the Republic of South Africa can be correctly described as a People's War insurgency. It examines the concept of People's War within the context of revolutionary warfare or insurgency and identifies the essential characteristics of this doctrine. It then examines the development of the military doctrine of the African National Congress and traces the various strategic influences which have shaped ANC military thinking. It counterpoises the development of ANC People's War doctrines against the model of People's War as formulated by Mao and the Vietnamese theorists. The ANC's People's War doctrine is examined within the context of the various mobilisational, military and organisational mechanisms employed in the townships. These are in turn examined within the framework of the specific township examples selected in the Eastern Cape region. The military dimension of ANC People's War strategy is explained and the reasons for its failure examined. The counter-strategy of the RSA Government is also briefly examined. Conclusions about the changing face of ANC strategy are drawn in the final chapter and the various hypothesis propounded in this dissertation are concluded

M.A. (Development Studies) / Resolving conflict in South Africa is one of the greatest challenges facing the country, in addition to being a basic prerequisite to creating a political and economic climate conducive to development. The continued violence between the ANC and the IFP, has been one of the main components of conflict in this country. It can be argued that the resolution of this particular conflict would be synonymous to having brought relative peace to South Africa I while simultaneously serving as a model for dealing with future conflict. It is the objective of this study to investigate the origins, characteristics and magnitude of the ANC/IFP conflict, thereby serving to create a basis for understanding and managing the conflict. Once clarity is achieved in this regard, the study will focus on the impact which conflict can have on development, with special reference to the KwaZulu/Natal region...

M.A. (Deveopment Studies) / The imbalance of property ownership in South Africa dates back to the settlement of Jan van Riebeeck at the Cape. The Europeans did not originally plan an expanding colony, only a trade station for providing ships with vegetables, water and meat. Property ownership did not occur at the time, although a certain degree of property utilization did exist. The white colonists as well as the black native population needed property for a similar reason, namely for farming. Competition was therefore inevitable. Although a policy of partition regarding blacks and whites was encouraged, it was not based on constitutional law. since 1910 segregation however formed an integral part of the law of the Union of South Africa, and in 1913 and 1936 these important laws were romulgated. The passing of these laws resulted in 20% of the population (whites) presently owning 80% of land property in South Africa. Since 2 February 1990 phenomenal changes have taken place in South Africa. As a result of these changes, as well as several additional factors, it became clear that land tenure reform should take place in south Africa. One of the most important objectives regarding property ownership in the international context, constitutes the provision of property ownership rights in favour of those who did not possess any such rights in the past. Land tenure reform in Africa has always been politically inspired, as has become evident from reforms which have taken place after independence in most African countries. In South Africa it is not a question of whether land tenure reform will take place, but to what extent and by which modus operandi. This study aims at determining the nature of the view points of the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) regarding land tenure reform. As a result of their positioning in the south African society, these two political groups will play an important role in determining the modus operandi' for land tenure reform. various differences of opinion as well as agreements on a policy of land tenure reform by these two political groups agreed upon were identified in this dissertation. Both groups agree that land tenure reform should take place, however, no agreement can be reached on the modus operandi. The ANC favours a policy of Government involvement in land tenure reform as well as a restriction on the quantity of property individuals are allowed to own. The National Party however, favours land tenure reform determined by market-related policies and unrestricted property ownership, which can be supplemented by letting properties. Land tenure reform should accommodate the needs of the largest possible section of the popUlation. The success of land tenure reform is determined by the degree to which the needs of the population are adhered to. At the same time, it has to be accepted that production will be of utmost importance for the allocation of agricultural property.

M.A.

D.Litt. et Phil. / This study focuses on the political theory of Michael Oakeshott in whose work we find a comprehensive and coherent theoretical understanding of the modern state and government. The modern state, according to Oakeshott, possesses a dual character because it entails a synthesis between what he calls an enterprise association understanding of the state and a civil association understanding. Both of these co-exist in the modern appreciation of the state, with the one ameliorating the excesses of the other. Oakeshott believes this duality provides the best possible framework for a theoretical appraisal of the modern state. Based on this framework the unique character of an individual state, such as South Africa, can be assessed in terms of the position of its contingent understanding in relation to these two different views. In his consideration of this hybrid character of the state, Oakeshott notes that the rationalistically inclined enterprise association view currently seems to dominate within the field of politics. Such a dominance, if pushed too far, would undermine the coherence of the modern state, whose stability depends on the continued coexistence of both a civil and an enterprise understanding. In this study, the post-1994 ANC government in South Africa will be appraised in light of Oakeshott’s understanding of the modern state. The question as to the dominance, or not, of an enterprise association view of the state and government within the ANC will be assessed. Consideration will be given to the ANC’s understanding of its role and function as government and of its view of the broader association called the South African state. Here I will assess the role and influence of historical circumstances, and also, those key ideas that give intellectual organisation to ANC politics and inform both the responsibilities that the ANC feels it has to fulfil and the goals that it sets for itself and for the society at large. Finally, the implications of the identified enterprise character of the ANC government will be assessed in terms of its impact on the broader South African state and society.

The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.

For all their efforts to avoid a nuclear North Korea, the Clinton and Bush administrations failed to achieve this goal, the most important policy objective of the United States in its relations with North Korea for decades, mainly because of inconsistencies in U.S. policy. This dissertation seeks to explain why both administrations ultimately failed to prevent North Korea from going nuclear. It finds the origins of this failure in the implementation of different U.S. policy options toward North Korea during the Clinton and Bush administrations. To explain the lack of policy consistency, the dissertation investigates how the relations between the executive and the legislative branches and, more specifically, different government types—unified government and divided government—have affected U.S. policy toward North Korea. It particularly emphasizes the role of Congress and partisan politics in the making of U.S. policy toward North Korea. This study finds that divided government played a pivotal role. Partisan politics are also central to the explanation: politics did not stop at the water’s edge. A divided U.S. government produced more status quo policies toward North Korea than a unified U.S. government, while a unified government produced more active policies than a divided government. Moreover, a unified government with a Republican President produced more aggressive policies toward North Korea, whereas a unified government with a Democratic President produced more conciliatory policies. This study concludes that the different government types and intensified partisan politics were the main causes of the inconsistencies in the United States’ North Korea policy that led to a nuclear North Korea.