Thesis (M.A.A.S.) -- Air University, 2004. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on April 24, 2009). "June 2004." Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Education in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Education in the Department of Curriculum and Instructional Studies at the University of Zululand, 2017 / The purpose of this study was to determine whether the Technical and Vocational Education and Training colleges’ NCV curriculum structure complies with the national strategy and policy stipulations in offering WBE for students. The CASE study was conducted at the Umfolozi TVET College, specifically on two campuses of the college in northern KwaZulu-Natal. The NCV programmes were earmarked for the study, as its curriculum covers the workplace-based education (WBE) component. This study used purposive sampling to identify the sample size of 21, which comprised of two campus managers, six senior lecturers and thirteen WBE champions. Qualitative and quantitative approaches were employed in the study. The findings of this study reveal that the college management do not give necessary support to the implementers on the ground to carry out the WBE programme. It was also discovered that the college management seem not to understand their role in ensuring compliance with regard to the WBE implementation. It was evident that, there is a need not only to maintain strong ties with existing host employers, but also to ensure that new host employers are recruited to help address the shortage of them. It was evident from the findings that a number of respondents were not aware of the policies guiding the implementation of WBE. The results indicate that there is no regular training provided for implementers of WBE, such as the WBE champions. There is no clearness in the way the WBE budget is administered, and no proper planning of the budget (which is not administered on sites, but controlled centrally), and no workable plan in place to manage finances. The study recommends that there should be a clear vision for the implementation of WBE, and that vision should be clearly communicated to all role players to ensure effective implementation of the programme.

This thesis provides a critical analysis of Dubai’s approach to economic development planning over the period covered by its first three formalized plans that is 1996 to 2010. Dubai experienced a period of very rapid economic growth in the ten years before the 2008 global financial crisis, despite being a small economy with little oil; oil revenues only accounted for 2% of GDP in 2011. This dissertation analyzes and evaluates how the nature of Dubai’s strategic planning changed over the period 1996 to 2010 and the factors underpinning those changes. The thesis also offers an assessment of the potential for Dubai to develop and maintain a sustainable competitive advantage in the future. To help evaluate Dubai’s first three formalized economic development plans, this thesis identifies and discusses a number of theoretical frameworks and concepts to identify key concepts and relationships between ideas and practice in the field of economic development planning. In particular, a comparison is drawn between corporate strategic planning and economic development planning approaches and their relevance to the Dubai context. Given the blurred boundaries between the state and commerce, both approaches have potential relevance, at least in part, to Dubai. Dubai’s economic development plans are set against the historical, political, economic, social and cultural and context of the Emirate. The plans are analyzed using computer-based text analytics and summarized in mindmap form. This allows the major themes of the plans to be compared and progression between the plans to be identified. The plans are analyzed from a number of perspectives including the role of government, the expected contribution of the private sector and the role of higher education and research in promoting development. However, the main area of analysis is the extent to which the plans successfully identify development paths which will result in sustainable competitive advantage for Dubai. The thesis also reports on the results of semi-structured interviews with prominent experts. The interviews provide an important source of evidence and opinions on the successes and shortcomings of Dubai’s planning and plans and the actions which need to be taken if Dubai is to achieve its long-term aim of becoming and innovation an innovation driven knowledge-based economy.

This study examines the role of the university in the domain of nanotechnology research and training using the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) as a case study. It focused on the Faculties of Science and Engineering, given their involvement in the field. It is essentially a qualitative study based on documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews with academic staff members. It shows how the University of Witwatersrand has responded to the South African National Nanotechnology Strategy set by the South African government to enhance the country’s global competitiveness and sustainable economic growth in strategic areas. The study reveals that Wits has selectively by firmly engaged in the domain of nanotechnology and has laid the foundations for a comprehensive programme in both research and training. However, its success in this direction will largely depend upon the ways it maximises the use of the increasing opportunities offered by globalization and it manages the constraints associated with it. By opportunities here I refer to the multiplicity of research sites outside the narrow academic domain and the increasing interest displayed by government, the private sector and relevant international agencies in the field. The constraints are connected to the fact that the field of nanotechnology remains incipient and suffers from the uncertainties surrounding a relatively young field of enquiry in universities in South Africa (financial shortages, lack of skills etc).

Thesis (M.A.A.S.) -- Air University, 2004. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on April 24, 2009). "June 2004." Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-86).

After 911 happened,cause the global shocked,not only change the terrorism attack forms and way,but also broken mythology the Unite States native land won¡¦t be attacked by others. Terrorism violence attack is the global faced the question of the 21th,it will influence on U.S government and people life,also its friend countries and global stability.The U.S had went Through 911 event ,it¡¦s as soon as positive thinking to adjust post-cold-war period of war-strategy and to search of global military deploy, its hopes to solve religioue ,Racial, culutural, and territorial conflict, and then to finish extreme racialism, religionism terror attack event. Because of terrotorism violence actions was directed hit the U.S and friend countries benefit,the global anti-terrorism war-strategy of structural had emerged. Therefore, how to prevent and restrict terror attacks event happening again,it will to be trial and challenge the Unite States government and global anti-terrorism war- stratege conduct of actions and reaction.

A.T.Mahan emphasizes the way to perform sea power is the way to apply navy strategy, which means a country¡¦s sea power is closely related to its national navy strategy development. Julian Corbett also argues that the main idea of navy's strategy lies in the competition of sea supremacy. Sea supremacy means a country keeps and controls the marine communication lines for its military and commercial purposes. The Communist China is facing changes domestically and internationally. The increasing dependence of economic growth on petroleum and natural gas import and maritime safety makes the Communist China has to guarantee the sea routes unblocked. Self-regarded as a big country along the seashore , the Communist China is promoting marine consciousness of the whole nation and the idea of sea power. The former navy chief commander Liu Hhua-qing had advocated constantly since the eighties ' to strengthen sea power and navy building. Since then, the Communist China has positively increased its domestic maritime activities in every field, which means it is now involved in more influence on the international order in the Asian-Pacific area. The thesis is mainly to analyse the Communist China¡¦s developing sea power on its relevant conditions, environments and concrete conduct. The thesis also studies and judges how China¡¦s sea power development influences the stability in the Asian-Pacific area. Focal points of the thesis include the truth of China¡¦s sea power development; whether the Communist China will develop the aircraft carrier fleet as being the rigional military and economic super power; the strategic consideration about Taiwan from American, Japanese and Chinese points of view; and whether the responses of the Asian-Pacific countries will cause the regional arm race and proliferation of weapons. The purpose of the thesis is to answer these questions.

The thesis seeks to study through a qualitative text analysis how strategic policy concepts from three different policy documents concerning the use of the European Regional Development Fund can be said to align with two theoretical concepts from the field of regional development. Furthermore this paper aims to analyse how the theoretical- and policy-concepts are operationalized in the project that received funding in accordance with the policy concepts in one of the policy documents.

In 2001, George W. Bush, the former president of the United States, declared war on terrorism after the 9/11 attack at the World Trade Centre in New York. Since then, terrorism and terrorist attacks have perceived to be rather frequent and the problem of radicalization has become a new phenomenon in societies, especially the western societies. Therefore, in 2014, the Swedish government decided to create a National Strategy Against Violent Extremism (NSAVE) which was released in 2016. In this strategy, it is argued that the main responsibility of the preventative-work against radicalization is directed at the local levels in Sweden, which is the municipalities. The research on the implementation of the strategy is however limited to non-existing. Therefore, this study is conducting a review of the national strategy and two case- studies with a qualitative approach to get an understanding of how municipalities are working with prevention of radicalization and violent extremism as well as how the national strategy is implemented at the local levels. The data collection that is used is semi-structured interviews with professionals working within two municipalities in Sweden. The findings show that the two municipalities are working with prevention of radicalization but use different strategies. The result is analyzed with the theoretical approach of inclusion and exclusion. The result shows that both municipalities are using the inclusive and development approach in their strategies. The last part of the thesis argues for recommendations in future work on national, regional and local levels as well as direct recommendations towards the two municipalities.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T04:13:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_PriscilaRodrigues_M.pdf: 1021897 bytes, checksum: f32fbbf5a34ba26cdef409b487e0e592 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo central analisar o comportamento do Poder Legislativo em cinco importantes momentos do processo de institucionalização da política de defesa do Brasil: (i) a aprovação da primeira versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (ii) a criação do Ministério da Defesa; (iii) a aprovação da segunda versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (iv) a aprovação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa; e (v) a aprovação da Lei Complementar nº 136 de 2010 que, entre outros pontos, determina a criação do Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional. Tal processo abrange os mandatos dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995 a 2010). Além da descrição de cada um dos momentos citados acima, é abordada a atuação do país na agenda de segurança regional e internacional e são levantados os meios disponíveis ao Congresso Nacional para efetivar sua participação na formulação de política de defesa. Os processos de aprovação de cada uma das políticas e leis são relatados de forma a proporcionar uma visualização da capacidade ou não que o Poder Legislativo tem para alterar matérias que em geral foram propostas pelo Poder Executivo. Por fim, o estudo identifica como o avanço na participação do Poder Legislativo em assuntos de política de defesa foi tímido, porém importante por significar um aumento de representatividade popular no tema / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the behavior of the central legislature in five key moments in the institutionalization of defense policy in Brazil: (i) the approval of the first version of the National Defense Policy, (ii) the creation of the Ministry of Defence (iii) the approval of the second version of the National Defense Policy, (iv) the approval of the National Defense Strategy, and (v) the approval of the Supplementary Law No. 136 of 2010 which, among other things, provides for the creation of the Book white National Defense. This process covers the mandates of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995-2010). Besides the description of each of the above moments, we discuss the performance of the country on the agenda of regional and international security and are raised the resources available to Congress in order to strengthen their participation in the formulation of defense policy. The approval processes for each of the policies and laws are related to provide a view of the Legislative Power?s capacity or not to change matters that in general have been proposed by the Executive Power. Finally, the study identifies how the progress in the participation of the Legislative Power in matters of defense policy was shy, but important because it signifies the increase of representation in popular theme / Mestrado / Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional / Mestre em Relações Internacionais