Abstract: In the definition of Mahan`s theory of Seapower, the material conditions and military power are essential for the countries to strengthen national power and develop the Seapower. And the Seapower also becomes one of the methods to strengthen national interests and power. It didn`t be explained that how do the countries find the way to seek for power and interests and what does the Seapower mean to other countries? In my article, I try to explain that after 1949, the process of PRC that seek for Seapower and the meanings to other countries by Constructivism.

The South Pacific Ocean is an area easily to be disregarded, although it possesses a very significant value of the military strategy.Contemporary,the South Pacific arena has become an important part of Chinese maritime Strategy.The reform and opening up in China bring the growth of economics and trade and the extension of national power for about twenty years, meanwhile, the state suffers from the demands of energy,the dispute of sovereignty,and the problems of the defensive screen of the American Containment Policy in East.Under such circumstances, China formulates a concrete and distinct military strategy in order to strive for the interests of the sea.On this purpose, China chooses the South Pacific area to be a part of Chinese strategic arrangements.According to the strategy, as soon as China invades the defensive screen of the American Containment Policy in east, an American military will be presence. Therefore, China can depend on its base and military power in the South Pacific area to prevent from the presence of an American military and delay it for the strategic purpose of the sea denial.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / As a maritime nation, Pakistan has not been able to effectively exploit the sea and its resources. Decades of neglect have hampered the development of the maritime sector, which in turn has hurt both economic growth and the national security of the country. While seaborne trade is the backbone of Pakistan's economy, the domestic shipping and shipbuilding industries are in disarray. The exploitation of offshore natural resources is restricted to coastal fisheries. Despite its animosity with neighboring India, Pakistan has until recently relied on two colocated ports at Karachi, which would be a vulnerable target in any war. The continental mindset of the policymakers has affected the development of the Pakistan Navy as an effective element of the military strategy. This thesis argues that development of the maritime sector is important for both economic growth and the national security of Pakistan. In economic terms, the maritime sector can diversify the economic base and stimulate Pakistan's economic growth. The development of the Pakistan Navy both as a credible conventional and strategic force is important for protection of growing economic maritime interests against predation and coercion and also necessary to safeguard the strategic interests of the country. / Lieutenant Commander, Pakistan Navy

This thesis aims to examine how and why a continental-oriented China has shifted its maritime strategic orientation and naval force structure from its coast toward the far seas in an era of interdependent international system. Generally, China is an ancient continental land power with an incomplete oceanic awareness. With the transformation after the Cold War of China’s grand strategy from landward security to seaward security, maritime security interests have gradually become the most essential part of China’s strategic rationale. Undoubtedly, the quest for sea power and sea rights has become Beijing’s main maritime strategic issue. Given China’s escalating maritime politico-economic-military leverage in the Asia-Pacific region, its desire to become a leading sea power embodying global strategic thinking means that it must expand its maritime strategy by developing its navy and preparing for armed confrontation in terms of international relations realism. Conversely, Beijing’s maritime policy leads at the same time towards globalization, which involves multilateralism and strategic coexistence of a more pragmatic kind. / This research analyses Chinese maritime strategy in the Asia-Pacific by asking: ‘Whither the Chinese maritime strategy in the ever changing Asia-Pacific security environment since the PRC was established in 1949?’ In general, contemporary China’s national security strategy is closely connected with its maritime strategy and with its comprehensive security plan for its economy, its energy supplies and its sovereignty. According to China’s view of its security environment, the traditional territorial scramble is changing from control of the land to the control of territorial waters, of maritime strategic resources, and of critical sea lanes. As a result, maritime economic competition has become a key focus for many nations. Given this, it is understandable that China’s maritime expansion from the coast to the high seas is part of its strategic approach. As a consequence, this study asks: ‘In order to shape a Sinocentric maritime security environment for China’s rising sea power, how has Beijing’s approach to maritime strategic expansion shifted from one of military antagonism toward one of strategic coexistence in the region.’ / In recent years, Beijing has, purposefully, changed its maritime strategic thinking from Maoist-style coastal defence activities to offshore defence and ultimately a far sea defence. Importantly, this strategic aspiration is clear in China’s recent national defence white papers. According to the 2004 Defence White Paper of China, Beijing clearly acknowledges a shift from China’s traditional land power to a maritime power and its priority apropos the building of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) for winning command of the high sea and for conducting strategic counter-strikes. Meanwhile, according to China’s 2006 Defence White Paper, Beijing clearly states that China’s security concerns energy, resources, finance, information and international shipping routes are mounting. To achieve a comprehensive maritime capacity, the PLAN’s mission is urgent. It is to extend China’s offshore capabilities and to increase its maritime strategic depth. In the recent 2008 Defence White Paper, Beijing emphasizes that struggles for strategic resources, strategic locations, and strategic dominance have intensified. This implies that the PLA has shifted the focus of ground force operations from regional defence toward trans-regional mobility. This infers that the direction of maritime strategy must shift from offshore defence to far sea defence / In a few words, maritime strategy is a grand-strategic opportunity, only littoral states are fortunate enough to have. China is one such state. With China’s politico-economic-military use of the sea growing in recent years, the natural expansion of its maritime strategic ambitions and long-range power projection capabilities have generated much concern. Regarding the maritime security dilemma in the Asia-Pacific, undeniably, the crux of the problem is whether an emerging maritime China can play the role of a responsible stakeholder there.

A.T.Mahan emphasizes the way to perform sea power is the way to apply navy strategy, which means a country¡¦s sea power is closely related to its national navy strategy development. Julian Corbett also argues that the main idea of navy's strategy lies in the competition of sea supremacy. Sea supremacy means a country keeps and controls the marine communication lines for its military and commercial purposes. The Communist China is facing changes domestically and internationally. The increasing dependence of economic growth on petroleum and natural gas import and maritime safety makes the Communist China has to guarantee the sea routes unblocked. Self-regarded as a big country along the seashore , the Communist China is promoting marine consciousness of the whole nation and the idea of sea power. The former navy chief commander Liu Hhua-qing had advocated constantly since the eighties ' to strengthen sea power and navy building. Since then, the Communist China has positively increased its domestic maritime activities in every field, which means it is now involved in more influence on the international order in the Asian-Pacific area. The thesis is mainly to analyse the Communist China¡¦s developing sea power on its relevant conditions, environments and concrete conduct. The thesis also studies and judges how China¡¦s sea power development influences the stability in the Asian-Pacific area. Focal points of the thesis include the truth of China¡¦s sea power development; whether the Communist China will develop the aircraft carrier fleet as being the rigional military and economic super power; the strategic consideration about Taiwan from American, Japanese and Chinese points of view; and whether the responses of the Asian-Pacific countries will cause the regional arm race and proliferation of weapons. The purpose of the thesis is to answer these questions.

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo endereçar a relação existente entre a formulação teórica em estratégia marítima e o surgimento de paradigmas de desenvolvimento de políticas marítimas diversos, quais sejam de Supremacia Marítima e Segurança Marítima. Nesse sentido, o trabalho discorre sobre a evolução do pensamento estratégico marítimo argumentando que esta evolução do pensamento na conceituação, elaboração e refinamento dos elementos que constituem o Poder Marítimo e a Estratégia Marítima, permitiram a multiplicação de abordagens, e o estabelecimento de paradigmas para a implementação de políticas marítimas diferentes, especificas às necessidades e objetivos dos diferentes atores, que por sua vez, remetem às abordagens conceituais e teóricas. Para isto o trabalho percorre e organiza cronologicamente o desenvolvimento do pensamento em Estratégia Marítima desde o final do século XIX, até a atualidade, definido pelo recorte temporal (1890-2013). Em seu segundo momento o trabalho discorre, através da depuração e análise de casos das formulações políticas marítimas desenvolvidas em uma série definida de países em dois recortes temporais, quais sejam, EUA e URSS na Guerra Fria (1945-1980), e EUA, China e Austrália no pós- Guerra Fria (2000-2013), inferir as relações entre a formulação política empírica e suas raízes conceituais. O trabalho conclui que há uma relação direta entre a implementação de políticas marítimas com autores e conceitos específicos da Estratégia Marítima, sendo possível o estabelecimento de Paradigmas múltiplos para a interpretação e orientação da formulação e desenvolvimento de políticas marítimas. / This dissertation aims to address the relationship between the theoretical formulation in maritime strategy and the development of paradigms for different maritime policies, namely Maritime Supremacy and Maritime Security. In this sense, the work discusses the development of maritime strategic thinking arguing that the evolution of thinking in the conceptualization, development and refinement of the elements that constitute the Sea Power and Maritime Strategy, allowed the proliferation of approaches, and the establishment of paradigms for the implementation different maritime policies for specific needs and objectives of the different stakeholders, which in turn, refer to the conceptual and theoretical approaches. To do that, this essay studies and chronologically organizes the development of the maritime strategy thinking since the late nineteenth century to the present, defined by the time frame (1890-2013) . On a second part the paper discusses, through case analysis of maritime policy formulations developed in a defined number of countries in two time frames, namely , the U.S. and USSR during the Cold War (1945-1980) , and the U.S., China and Australia in the post-Cold War scenario (2000-2013), to infer the relationships between empirical policy formulation and its conceptual roots. The paper concludes that there is a direct relationship between the implementation of maritime policies with theoretical authors and specific concepts of Maritime Strategy, been possible to establish multiple paradigms to guide the interpretation and orientation for maritime policies’ formulation and development.

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo endereçar a relação existente entre a formulação teórica em estratégia marítima e o surgimento de paradigmas de desenvolvimento de políticas marítimas diversos, quais sejam de Supremacia Marítima e Segurança Marítima. Nesse sentido, o trabalho discorre sobre a evolução do pensamento estratégico marítimo argumentando que esta evolução do pensamento na conceituação, elaboração e refinamento dos elementos que constituem o Poder Marítimo e a Estratégia Marítima, permitiram a multiplicação de abordagens, e o estabelecimento de paradigmas para a implementação de políticas marítimas diferentes, especificas às necessidades e objetivos dos diferentes atores, que por sua vez, remetem às abordagens conceituais e teóricas. Para isto o trabalho percorre e organiza cronologicamente o desenvolvimento do pensamento em Estratégia Marítima desde o final do século XIX, até a atualidade, definido pelo recorte temporal (1890-2013). Em seu segundo momento o trabalho discorre, através da depuração e análise de casos das formulações políticas marítimas desenvolvidas em uma série definida de países em dois recortes temporais, quais sejam, EUA e URSS na Guerra Fria (1945-1980), e EUA, China e Austrália no pós- Guerra Fria (2000-2013), inferir as relações entre a formulação política empírica e suas raízes conceituais. O trabalho conclui que há uma relação direta entre a implementação de políticas marítimas com autores e conceitos específicos da Estratégia Marítima, sendo possível o estabelecimento de Paradigmas múltiplos para a interpretação e orientação da formulação e desenvolvimento de políticas marítimas. / This dissertation aims to address the relationship between the theoretical formulation in maritime strategy and the development of paradigms for different maritime policies, namely Maritime Supremacy and Maritime Security. In this sense, the work discusses the development of maritime strategic thinking arguing that the evolution of thinking in the conceptualization, development and refinement of the elements that constitute the Sea Power and Maritime Strategy, allowed the proliferation of approaches, and the establishment of paradigms for the implementation different maritime policies for specific needs and objectives of the different stakeholders, which in turn, refer to the conceptual and theoretical approaches. To do that, this essay studies and chronologically organizes the development of the maritime strategy thinking since the late nineteenth century to the present, defined by the time frame (1890-2013) . On a second part the paper discusses, through case analysis of maritime policy formulations developed in a defined number of countries in two time frames, namely , the U.S. and USSR during the Cold War (1945-1980) , and the U.S., China and Australia in the post-Cold War scenario (2000-2013), to infer the relationships between empirical policy formulation and its conceptual roots. The paper concludes that there is a direct relationship between the implementation of maritime policies with theoretical authors and specific concepts of Maritime Strategy, been possible to establish multiple paradigms to guide the interpretation and orientation for maritime policies’ formulation and development.

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo endereçar a relação existente entre a formulação teórica em estratégia marítima e o surgimento de paradigmas de desenvolvimento de políticas marítimas diversos, quais sejam de Supremacia Marítima e Segurança Marítima. Nesse sentido, o trabalho discorre sobre a evolução do pensamento estratégico marítimo argumentando que esta evolução do pensamento na conceituação, elaboração e refinamento dos elementos que constituem o Poder Marítimo e a Estratégia Marítima, permitiram a multiplicação de abordagens, e o estabelecimento de paradigmas para a implementação de políticas marítimas diferentes, especificas às necessidades e objetivos dos diferentes atores, que por sua vez, remetem às abordagens conceituais e teóricas. Para isto o trabalho percorre e organiza cronologicamente o desenvolvimento do pensamento em Estratégia Marítima desde o final do século XIX, até a atualidade, definido pelo recorte temporal (1890-2013). Em seu segundo momento o trabalho discorre, através da depuração e análise de casos das formulações políticas marítimas desenvolvidas em uma série definida de países em dois recortes temporais, quais sejam, EUA e URSS na Guerra Fria (1945-1980), e EUA, China e Austrália no pós- Guerra Fria (2000-2013), inferir as relações entre a formulação política empírica e suas raízes conceituais. O trabalho conclui que há uma relação direta entre a implementação de políticas marítimas com autores e conceitos específicos da Estratégia Marítima, sendo possível o estabelecimento de Paradigmas múltiplos para a interpretação e orientação da formulação e desenvolvimento de políticas marítimas. / This dissertation aims to address the relationship between the theoretical formulation in maritime strategy and the development of paradigms for different maritime policies, namely Maritime Supremacy and Maritime Security. In this sense, the work discusses the development of maritime strategic thinking arguing that the evolution of thinking in the conceptualization, development and refinement of the elements that constitute the Sea Power and Maritime Strategy, allowed the proliferation of approaches, and the establishment of paradigms for the implementation different maritime policies for specific needs and objectives of the different stakeholders, which in turn, refer to the conceptual and theoretical approaches. To do that, this essay studies and chronologically organizes the development of the maritime strategy thinking since the late nineteenth century to the present, defined by the time frame (1890-2013) . On a second part the paper discusses, through case analysis of maritime policy formulations developed in a defined number of countries in two time frames, namely , the U.S. and USSR during the Cold War (1945-1980) , and the U.S., China and Australia in the post-Cold War scenario (2000-2013), to infer the relationships between empirical policy formulation and its conceptual roots. The paper concludes that there is a direct relationship between the implementation of maritime policies with theoretical authors and specific concepts of Maritime Strategy, been possible to establish multiple paradigms to guide the interpretation and orientation for maritime policies’ formulation and development.

In 1890, the American naval officer and scholar Alfred Thayer Mahan formulated as a theory that seapower brings prosperity. This thesis in War Science tests whether Mahan’s theory remains valid in the modern day. A multi-disciplinary approach is taken, wherein a financial event study method is employed for hypothesis testing. Prosperity is the product of many factors that interact in complex systems. Consequently, isolating the positive contribution of seapower is difficult. Its influence is therefore inferred from its absence, in the form of failure to protect shipment of a key commodity. By the logic of the operationalisation, insufficient seapower results in attacks on shipping. Information of attacks is promptly reflected in asset prices on intensively traded financial markets. A negative change in a stock market index represents a reduction in the value of the traded assets. This in turn implies a negative contribution to national prosperity. Specifically, attacks on supertankers are used as empirical data. The ensuing impact is measured in first order effects on oil prices and second order effects on stock market returns. A strong correlation is found between attacks on supertankers and oil price shocks. A sufficiently strong impact is found on stock market returns to allow for arguing that Mahan’s theory retains validity. Given recent developments in major power relations, Mahanian postulates may be more in fashion now than in the previous century. The findings complement previous research on the benefits from seapower, naval presence and maritime security. In addition to general policy implications from exhibiting the significance of seapower, an elaboration on the current security situation’s ramifications for small states. Thereby it situates seapower in its grand strategic context.

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