Unter dem Motto „Menschen wollen Wissen!“ fand der diesjährige Leipziger Kongress für Information und Bibliothek statt. Bibliotheken aus Sachsen waren an dem vielseitigen Programm mit folgenden Beiträgen beteiligt.

This master's thesis focuses on the inability of the U. S. Congress to pass a comprehensive immigration reform. The main goal of the thesis is identification of key factors that prevent successful passage of this legislation. Two latest immigration reform proposals from 2007 and 2013 were selected for the research. To analyze them, process tracing was used. This method allows for better understanding of the legislative development. As an analytical framework, approach of John W. Kingdon was selected. His revised garbage can model of organizational choice applied to congressional decision making identifies three process streams that are critical for passing legislation in Congress - problem definition, policy generation and politics. Firstly, Kingdon's framework is described and then applied to the selected immigration reform proposals case studies. Emphasis is put on identification of factors that play key role in generating and passing the policy. Then, both case studies are compared to allow for more general inference. The key finding of the thesis is that the political stream is crucial to passing comprehensive immigration reform. Based on the comparative case study, political skills of leaders and political context significantly influence the ability of Congress to act on the immigration...

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / Problem The purposes of this study were to determine what Congressional Record information on Federal financial support of education was available to Congress during the 1962 Session and to ascertain the direction and nature of this communication. Procedure The technique of content analysis was utilized. A seven-category system for the objective and quantitative description of the related conm1unioation was established from a study of authoritative works and a pilot study performed on a stratified random sample of the complete, one-session series of Congressional Records. The item and the theme were used as measuring units. All themes manifestly related to Federal financial support of education were individually categorized, classified favorable, unfavorable, neutral or ambiguous, grouped, and scored. The frequencies of all theme groups, individually and collectively, in the categories were computed and translated into percentages of the whole number of themes. All related communications were classified as favorable, unfavorable, neutral or ambiguous, with respect to Federal financial assistance to education, on the basis of this data. An adaption of an established outline for tha analysis of public opinion and propaganda was used to interpret the data. The study reliability of .87 was determined by performing a second analysis on a random sample of the Congressional Record series and computing a Pearson product-moment coefficient of correlation. Results A leadership elite was found to be the main source of 2246 communications of forty different types containing 57,549 themes. The themes formed sixty-four groups in the seven categories. Percentagewise, the themes were 76.03 favorable, 15.78 unfavorable, 7.54 neutral, and .64 ambiguous, indicating a favorable direction with respect to Federal financial assistance. Conversely, a measurable lag for Federal support was found in the nation's local community electorates, school boards, and newspapers. Expressed as percentages of the whole 57,549 themes, the totals of themes in each category were: educational needs, 43.7, economics, 22.0, national welfare, 12.8, Federalism, 9.8, religion, 6.1, social-psychological, 4.1, and race, 1.5. Conclusions On the basis of actual quantitative and comparative documentation, it was concluded that the Federal role in financing education was pervasively interrelated with the numerous aspects of major United States domestic and international issues, implicit in the categories, and problems in contemporary culture, such as alienation. It was further concluded that Congress was informed that this role was developing in a piecemeal, fragmented manner, in the form of Federal aid rather than support. It was affecting planned and unplanned change in educational administration, instruction, curriculums and research from the elementary to the post-doctoral levels and operating beyond the control of the whole educational system. A result was the initiation of numerous and varied proposals for Congressional action and legislation in the field of education, designed to increase the overall coherence of Federal financial assistance. Specific examples included cabinet status for education and greater standardization of educational statistics used in the public domain. The study determined the nature of the educational communication involved by identifying, quantifying, and describing its characteristics such as types, sources of origin, media utilized, frequencies of occurrence, and themes used on this basis, the conclusion was made that the study's category data formed an approach to the beginnings of a model of the comruunication dealing with Federal financial assistance to education, impinging upon the Congress and the public during one Congressional session. A utility was ascribed to the model as a basic framework for developing and implementing communication strategy and hypotheses designed to increase the moral and financial support of education. / 2031-01-01

This dissertation examines the substantive representation of ethnoracial minorities at the national level, the inter-minority dynamics of descriptive representation at the state level, and the effects of ethnoracial cues on White public opinion regarding policies that disproportionately affect minorities. Taken together, the three chapters offer evidence to support the claim that race not only shapes mass opinion, but also elites' responses to it. The expectation in a representative democracy is that the preferences of the public should influence the voting behavior of elected officials in Congress. Most scholars agree that this is indeed the case, but they have recently begun to ask whose opinions are most influential. Members of Congress seem to disproportionately represent the interests of copartisans and affluent Americans. The literature speaks less to the nature of the relationship between the political preferences of ethnoracial minorities and the voting behavior of members of Congress. Is there also a racial disparity in representation, even after accounting for partisanship and income? Are White Americans better represented in government decisions than are African Americans and Latinos? Chapter 1 explores the relationship between congressional district-level public opinion on proposed bills (estimated using multilevel regression and poststratification), broken down by racial, partisan, and income group, and the roll call votes of House members on those same bills. I find strong evidence of overresponsiveness by members of Congress to copartisan and high-income constituents, and some evidence of underresponsiveness to Blacks. In some cases, minorities' preferences are underrepresented even by representatives of their own parties, on race-targeted policies, and in majority-minority districts. Chapter 2 examines how legislators respond to coethnic and cominority constituents. I conduct an audit study of all state legislators to explore how they respond to constituents of different ethnoracial groups, and to assess whether Black and Latino state legislators in particular are as responsive to cominority constituents (i.e., non-White individuals from a different ethnic minority group) as they are to coethnics (i.e., individuals from the legislator's own ethnic group). Blacks and Latinos currently make up about one-third of the overall U.S. population, and an even larger share of some state populations. In light of this growing diversification of the American electorate, elected officials have incentives to appeal to a broad racial constituency. I conduct an experiment in which state legislators are randomly assigned to receive an email from a coethnic, cominority, or non-coethnic constituent. My findings suggest that Latino constituents are consistently disadvantaged. White and Republican legislators respond to Latino constituents the least, and Black legislators do not show any cominority solidarity toward them. Latino legislators, on the other hand, do exhibit cominority solidarity toward Black constituents by favoring them over White (non-coethnic) constituents. These results have important implications for the prospect of "black-brown" coalitions and for the descriptive representation of ethnoracial minorities. Finally, understanding the factors that shape White Americans' preferences over policies that disproportionately affect racial and linguistic minorities is increasingly important in a diversifying society. Chapter 3 focuses on the effects of racialized stereotypes on the formation of White public opinion regarding Hurricane Maria relief in Puerto Rico. Due to the ongoing fiscal crisis and the damage caused by the hurricane in 2017, the case of Puerto Rico has figured prominently in American media coverage as of late, but we know little about how the attitudes that shape U.S. policy toward Puerto Rico are formed. I conduct a nationally representative survey experiment in which I have two actors---roughly identical in all features except skin complexion---portray hurricane victims and give general information about the damage Maria caused. By varying the skin tone (light or dark) and language (Spanish or English) in the videos, I am able to assess the ways in which racial and linguistic markers shape Americans' preferences about a putatively race-neutral policy (disaster relief). I find that the Spanish language treatment decreases respondents' support for Puerto Rico, but not by much. The effects of race, on the other hand, are contingent on respondents' partisanship, race, and prior knowledge about Puerto Ricans' American citizenship.

Das Magazin \"Wissenswelten Leipziger Bibliotheken\" wurde anlässlich des 5. Kongresses für Bibliothek & Informationen 2013 herausgegeben und versammelt 17 Beiträge zu Leipziger Bibliotheken, zum bibliothekarischem Berufsbild und Hintergründe zum Bibliothekskongress.:3 Editorial (Andrea Nikolaizig, Henriette Rösch) 4 Wissenswelten gestalten - 20 Jahre Bibliothekskongresse in Leipzig (Michael Fernau) 5 Wissen Sie ... wie viele Bibliotheken es in Leipzig gibt? (Andrea Nikolaizig) 7 Sie hat sie alle - Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek (Christian Horn) 8 Bibliothek ohne Grenzen – Die Bibliothek des Max-Planck-Instituts für evolutionäre Anthropologie (Gisela Lausberg) 9 Den Noten auf der Spur - Musikalienbestände und Musikbibliotheken in Leipzig (Barbara Wiermann) 10 Hype in der Pipe - Eine temporäre Schulbibliothek (Andrea Nikolaizig) 11 Über die Schulter geschaut – Tagebuch zweier Auszubildender an einer Hochschulbibliothek (Sophie Braun, Theres Lesch) 12 Blick hinter die Kulissen - Ein bibliothekswissenschaftlicher Familienausflug (Heinz Pohlentz) 13 Meine Bibliothek – Studierende engagieren sich für die Universitätsbibliothek (Adelheid Noack) 15 Einmischen, mitmischen, durchmischen – Die Frauen- und Genderbibliothek MONALiesA e.V. (Christian Schmidt) 16 Auf Ballhöhe und mit Zug zum Tor – Die Bibliotheks- und Informationswissenschaft an der HTWK Leipzig (Michael Golsch) 17 Fans, Fanzines, Fußball – Die Fußballbibliothek im Fanprojekt Leipzig (Johannes Salzmann) 18 Bibliothek & Information Deutschland (BID) - Der Dachverband stellt sich vor (Monika Braß, Heinz-Jürgen Lorenzen) 19 Leipzig liest - Der März steht in Leipzig ganz im Zeichen des Buches (Mariella Bremer) 20 Spielort Bibliothek –Die Leipziger Stadtbibliothek (Henriette Rösch) 21 Für Menschen ohne Augenlicht - Die Deutsche Zentralbücherei für Blinde zu Leipzig (Christian Schmidt) 22 Bücher statt Kröten - Ein Freiwilliges Ökologisches Jahr an der Umweltbibliothek Leipzig (Henriette Rösch) 23 Autorenverzeichnis, Bildnachweis, Impressum

Seit 20 Jahren verzeichnet Christian Edmond Dekesel (Gent/Belgien) in aller Welt numismatische Literatur des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts. Dass die SLUB und das Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Kunstsammlungen Dresden zusammen die beste europäische Büchersammlung des 18. Jahrhunderts besitzen, davon ist er überzeugt. Dies war auch ein Grund, warum die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) eine Tagung über „Numismatik und Geldgeschichte im Zeitalter der Aufklärung“ mit Teilnehmern aus acht Ländern gefördert hat (SLUB, 5. –9. Mai).

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This dissertation takes Chris Hani beyond the conventionally biographic by thinking through his multiple lives and deaths and engaging with his legacy in ways that cannot be contained by singular, linear narratives. By doing so, I offer alternative routes through which to understand historical change, political struggle and subjectivity, as well as biographical and historical production as a conflicted and contested terrain. I attend to these conflicting narratives not as a means through which to reconcile the ‘good’ and ‘bad’ sides of history, struggle, or the political subject. Nor do I sacrifice either to what Frederick Jameson has referred to as a dialectical impasse: a “conventional opposition, in which one turns out to be more defective than the other”, and through which “only one genuine opposite exists… [therefore sharing] the sorry fate of evil… reduced to mere reflection.”1 Instead I place contested narratives about Hani and the anti-apartheid struggle into conversation with one another, and treat them as “equally integral component[s]”2 of the life and legacy of Hani. This I argue, provides fertile ground through which to rethink the lives and times of Martin Thembisile ‘Chris’ Hani, and the political subject more generally. Through a study that focuses on performance and memorialisation, violence, revolution, and spectrality, this dissertation also engages with a number of issues surrounding Hani’s assassination, the transitional period in southern Africa, justice, armed struggle, and the work of mourning in a postapartheid society. It begins by revealing the contested ways in which Hani’s legacy was produced during the anti-apartheid struggle, and how it was contained and acted out in the immediate aftermath of his assassination. This study then goes on to trace how the postapartheid state’s narrative about the struggle against apartheid, has been challenged and undermined, and how differing modes of narrative emplotment have shaped the ways in which we understand this period. Critically, I argue that the operative and contested qualities of historical production mean that Hani’s revolutionary legacy is always already uncontainable. As such this type of legacy and politics haunts the ANC’s postapartheid project and, to paraphrase Jameson, makes the present waver like a mirage on the landscape of postapartheid South Africa.3 Within this framework I ask if rumour and conspiracy surrounding Hani’s assassination merely represent a yearning for ‘truth’, or if these have become a means through which the nation comes to terms with the violence that remains in the wake of apartheid and colonialism, and to call on activists like Hani to judge and denounce capitalism, state violence, corruption, and exploitation. Rather than attempting to reveal the truth of his assassination and political legacy, I end by asking what possibilities might be opened up when we dwell upon the uncertainty and plurality of Hani’s lives and deaths and take seriously the continued presence of Hani and the spectralities that remain. I do so in order to work against the monumental projects of nationalism and the nation-state, and to keep open our horizon of expectation in the face of what David Scott has called the ‘stalled present’ of postcolonial and postsocialist worlds.4

This dissertation explores the point and process by which American colonists transformed from subjects to citizens. Upon learning of Boston radicals’ destruction of East India tea, Parliament passed the Coercive Acts, a collection of punitive measures designed to rein in that seaport town. In response, American communities from Massachusetts to Georgia drafted resistance resolutions calling on colonists to refrain from importing British merchandise, exporting American resources, and partaking in frivolous pastimes. Boston’s suffering, these communities declared, presented a threat to every colonist. Grassroots activists next called for a Continental Congress to coordinate and enforce a pan-colonial resistance movement to pressure Parliament’s repeal of the Coercive Acts. Once convened, delegates of the First Continental Congress drafted the Articles of Association which incorporated many directives already circulating in the town and county resolutions. Traditionally presented as a colonial boycott of British manufactures, the Association regulated cultural as well as commercial practices. It advised colonists to avoid waste and extravagance and singled out horse racing, cockfighting, theatergoing, and other displays of leisure as examples of moral decay. Echoing the grassroots resolutions, Congress also urged colonists to commit to nonimportation and non-consumption of British wares and nonexportation of American goods. Through these directives, Congress sought to achieve imperial reconciliation and colonial moral regeneration, yet its commitment to self-preservation reveals it focused more on restoring American virtue than returning harmony to the empire. To enforce the Articles of Association, Congress recommended towns and counties to create Committees of Inspection and Observation. Composed of locally elected men, these committees regulated their neighbors’ behavior and condemned violators of the Association as enemies of America. Using colonial newspapers, private letters, pamphlets, Congress’s official journals, Peter Force’s American Archives, and a wealth of other primary and secondary literature, this dissertation reveals how the Continental Association organized local communities of suffering. Members of these communities voluntarily suspended cultural and commercial practices to protect political identities they felt were in danger. In the process, those sacrificing in the common cause separated from the broader imperial community and formed an American political community. / History

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