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Hunger and food insecurity are lingering public health problems, made more challenging by their evolving definitions, broad landscapes of interest groups, and complex political solutions. There is an important role for public health professionals and congressional committees in shaping the discourse and fortifying their relevance in food security policymaking. In short, the what, when, and who of issue definition becomes a foundation for food security policymaking. This study used in-depth content analysis to examine the evolution of food security discourse and interest group mobilization between 1974 and 2009 in media coverage of the issue of food security. Additionally, over 200 congressional documents were analyzed to investigate the role of specialized congressional committees in sustaining political attention to the issues of hunger and food security. The findings of this three-paper dissertation indicated that the evolution of food security conceptualization is ongoing and less comprehensive than anticipated. The study also found public health groups' remained at the periphery of mobilization on the issue. Finally, results demonstrated that congressional attention to hunger was significantly sustained during periods when a select committee, along with prominent policy entrepreneurs, was dedicated to the issue. The chapters and conclusion of the dissertation discuss ways in which public health groups can refine their media presence and move from the margin of mobilization to more effectively drive food security discourse in both the informal media venue and more formal policymaking venue of Congress in order to positively influence public health policies and outcomes related to food security. / Public Health

Legislative oversight of the executive branch is a significant feature of the separation of powers, and takes on greater importance in a persistent era of divided political control in the United States federal government. Agency theory and oversight theory have served as principal lenses for the design and evaluation of congressional oversight functions. For the purpose of this study, oversight is politically-guided and technically-supported systematic foresight and review by First Branch members over Second Branch members and their activities in furtherance of public value and the protection of private liberties. The 1975-76 reformulation of the congressional oversight of federal intelligence activities offers a research opportunity to contrast the intelligence outcomes of a laissez-faire period of oversight (1947-1975) with a second period of active oversight (1976-2004). It also allows for the determination of whether more oversight (Johnson 1980; Zegart 2011) led to improved intelligence outcomes, and could serve as a case study in the more versus less foreign policy oversight scholarship debate (Olson 1989; Hinkley 1994; Scigliano 1994). The research is multi-faceted and employs mixed methods, primarily content analysis, comparisons of descriptive statistics, and Poisson regressions with time series autocorrelation corrections. The research contributes to our understanding of agency theory by attempting to evaluate several outcomes of an oversight design intervention: the Congress's transition from overseeing US intelligence activities via a few individuals in defense subcommittees to creating permanent standing select committees (with professional staff) in each chamber. The research provides public administration with new datasets focused on intelligence leaks and intelligence outcomes, specifically a record of intelligence failures and unavoided, uninitiated military conflicts involving the United States. It also provides a series of implications and recommendations for theory and praxis. / Ph. D.

No / The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?

Yes / Introduction It is easy to think of the Trade Union Act (2016) as ‘Thatcher Round 2’: the economic strategy of austerity once again pits the haves against the have-nots, creating the potential for a re-invigorated trade union movement to return to its economically disruptive habits, which the government seeks to constrict. Thus, TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady condemned the Conservatives for ‘refighting the battles of the 1980s’ instead of taking a more constructive approach (O’Grady, 2016). However, while the trade union legislation of the 1980s followed a decade marked by entrenched union disputes, the Trade Union Act (2016) has been introduced against a very different backdrop. The UK currently has historically low levels of industrial action, stagnating levels of union membership and limited areas of union density (DBIS, 2015; Godard, 2011; Dix et al, 2008). Could it be that the Trade Union Act (TUA) has more to tell us about trade union weakness than their strength? The Act comes at an important moment in the history of the labour move- ment. The Conservative austerity agenda not only attacks living standards, but reduces union membership through extensive job losses. The significance of this for the movement is exacerbated because the public sector is the most heavily unionised sector. This matters for many reasons, not least because the movement’s ability to resist the worst excesses of the austerity agenda rests on its membership and strength. This situation in turn shines a spotlight on what is perhaps the most pressing question facing the movement – the need for a model of unionism which can reach beyond the public sector, and in particular which meets the needs of the ever-growing body of precarious workers.

Many people assume that when the U.S. Supreme Court invalidates a federal statute as unconstitutional, the Court's decision establishes binding precedent that narrows the U.S. Congress's available options. This thesis examines whether Congress has in practice been able to effectively circumvent Supreme Court precedents while still acting consistently with such precedents in a narrow sense by not repassing an identical statute. More specifically, this work explores whether the U.S. Congress was able to repass new statutes similar to those previously invalidated by the Rehnquist Court (1986-2005). To more fully probe this issue, this study examines how often Congress has responded in such a manner, how successful Congress was in replicating the initial invalidated statute's breadth and potency, the success of the amended statute's subsequent implementation or whether the new statutes survived judicial scrutiny, and lastly, whether legislative policy goals or Court precedents prevailed. The research focused on the Rehnquist Court because it invalidated an unprecedented 34 federal statutes. This analysis found that Congress offered 11 proposals, but only repassed four statutes attempting to replicate the initial invalidated statutes. Nevertheless, in the four instances of successful reenactment, Congress was able to achieve, in practice, indistinguishable potency and breadth in two statutes and identical potency with significantly narrower breadth in one statute. This work is significant because it demonstrates that occasionally Congress has utilized available tools—in this case repassing analogous statutes—to effectively counter Supreme Court precedents. The Supreme Court is not always the exclusive or irrevocable arbitrator of constitutional controversies. / Master of Arts

The purpose of this study is a critical examination of this Committee with emphasis on its methods, procedure, and worth.

Yes / Alfred Werner was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry just over 100 years ago. We recall briefly the era in which he was working, his co-workers, and the equipment he used in his laboratories. His ideas were ground breaking: not only does a metal ion have a primary valency (“hauptvalenz”, now the oxidation state), but also a secondary valency, the coordination number (“nebenvalenz”). At that time some refused to accept this idea, but he realised that his new thinking would open up new areas of research. Indeed it did. We illustrate this for the emerging field of medicinal metal coordination chemistry, the design of metal-based therapeutic and diagnostic agents. The biological activity of metal complexes depends intimately not only on the metal and its oxidation state, but also on the type and number of coordinated ligands, and the coordination geometry. This provides a rich platform in pharmacological space for structural and electronic diversity. It is necessary to control both the thermodynamics (strengths of metal-ligand bonds) and kinetics of ligand substitution reactions to provide complexes with defined mechanisms of action. Outer-sphere interactions can also play a major role in target recognition. Our current interest is focussed especially on relatively inert metal complexes which were very familiar to Werner (RuII, OsII, RhIII, IrIII, PtII, PtIV). / We thank the Leverhulme Trust (Early Career Fellowship No. ECF-2013-414 to NPEB), the University of Warwick (Grant No. RDF 2013-14 to NPEB) the ERC (Grant No. 247450 to PJS), EPSRC (Grant No. EP/F034210/1) and EC COST Action CM1105 for support.

Diese These ist über parlamentarische Privileg. Das Privile ist eine alte parlamentarische Macht. Alle Länder, die Demokratie durchgeführt haben oder bald haben, bestimmen parlamentarische Privileg in ihre Verfassungen. Der Zweck von Privileg ist, dass Abgeordneten die Meinung sowie ihre eigenen politische Position frei äußern zu shutzen, und sie brauchen nicht sich um Vergeltung von politischen Motiven zu sorgen. Das Parlament kann formulieren selbst die Geschäftsordnung und Disziplin des Parlamentes, damit das Parlament unabhängig sein kann, ihre Aufgaben frei erfüllen kann und seine Funktionen frei ausüben kann. Parlamentarische Privileg wird aber oft durch Publikum verkannt, die glauben, dass die Eliten der Gesellschaft eine besondere Schutze haben. Das ist ironisch. Weil Privileg der Abgordneten ursprünglich als Schutz des ganzen Parlamentes hergestellt warden. Damals schützt es Mitglieder des Parlaments vor den Eliten. Man kann sagen, dass die parlamentarische Privileg eine spezielle institutionelle Regelungen auf den Grundsätzen der Demokratie. Im Vergleich mit anderen parlamentarischen Befugnisse, ist es etwas Besonderes, weil es die Abwehrkraft des Parlaments nicht als eine offensive Kraft ist, die das Parlament aktiv ausüben muss. Nach der Erörterung der Stiftung in der Theorie der parlamentarischen Privilegien, diskutiert das Papier über die wichtigsten Elemente der parlamentarischen Privilegien, das Problem an der Praxis der parlamentarischen Privilegien und die Entwicklung der Privilegien . Schließlich erörtet die Dissertation, wie die entsprechenden Privilegien Systeme der chinesischen nationalen Volkskongress verbessert und vervollgekommen warden könne. / This thesis analyses parliamentary privilege. The privilege is an ancient parliamentary power. All of countries that have democratized or will soon have democratized provide them by own constitution. The purpose of the parliamentary privilege is to permit members of the legislature to speech freely and express their opinion of political position, and not worry about retaliation on the basis of political motives. The Parliament formulates itself its own rules of procedure and maintains the discipline of parliament itself and so on, in order to ensure that the parliament can independently, freely discharge of its duties and perform its functions. Parliamentary privilege, however, is often misunderstood by popular who believes that the privilege is the special protection of all of the elites of society. That is ironic, because privilege was originally produced as a whole of the protection of Parliament, and it protected members of parliament from the elites at that time. It may be said that parliamentary privilege is a special institutional arrangements based on the principles of democracy. Compared with other parliamentary powers, it is special because it is the defensive power of Parliament rather than an offensive power which the parliament must proactively exercise. After studying on the foundation in the theory of parliamentary privilege, the paper comprehensively discusses on the main elements of parliamentary privilege, the problems at the practice of parliamentary privilege and the development of privilege. Finally, it is to argument how to improve and perfect the relevant privilege systems of Chinese National People’s Congress.

This investigation deals with a change of congressional attitude concerning violence in entertainment media, from noninterference to investigation to initiation of research. The data are primarily from official government records. This study first examines a period of congressional reluctance to interfere with the violent content of movies and radio in 1929-45. Next examined is the period 1945-68, when Congress actively investigated media violence,, focusing on television. Finally, the study examines congressional activity concerning television violence in 1968-74 and the Surgeon General's report on television violence. This report concludes that, by 1955, the pattern of congressional interest in media violence had turned from reluctance to activity, -and discusses the likelihood of future control of television program content.