Este trabalho busca analisar como a condição de emergência (de país de capacidades intermediárias) do Brasil no sistema internacional – em particular sua característica reformista ou revisionista da ordem – se coadunou com o projeto de política externa inaugurado em 2003 e motivou um reforço da inserção brasileira no Oriente Médio. Em suma, busca-se mapear as relações entre o Brasil e o Oriente Médio desde 2003 por meio do process-tracing e compreender como a política para a região se relaciona com a inserção internacional brasileira em uma perspectiva mais ampla e quais os seus condicionantes. Destarte, o trabalho pretende, por meio da consideração do caso específico do estreitamento das relações entre Brasil e Irã, Egito e Turquia, introduzir, para além dos determinantes domésticos, a dimensão sistêmica, frequentemente negligenciada nas investigações brasileiras, para analisar a política externa do Brasil. Para além da busca da internacionalização de suas empresas e do incremento comercial, a diplomacia do País iniciou um esforço de maior envolvimento em questões políticas de vulto internacional, amparada no tradicional princípio do universalismo. Logo, a política para o Oriente Médio apresenta importância fundamental no esforço de penetração do Brasil em áreas fora da sua área de influência tradicional. A concepção da “autonomia pela diversificação”, que motiva a aproximação com a região, deve ser compreendida no âmbito da busca brasileira de redistribuição e reconhecimento no sistema internacional. A ação externa brasileira dirigida ao Oriente Médio, em um contexto de entropia no sistema internacional, busca a revisão da ordem por meio do soft balancing, sobretudo via constituição de redes – inclusive de mediação. / This paper seeks to examine how Brazil's emerging country condition in the international system - in particular its reformist or revisionist character - conformed with the foreign policy project inaugurated in 2003 and led to a strengthening of the Brazilian projection in the Middle East. In short, we seek to map the relations between Brazil and the Middle East since 2003 through process-tracing and to understand how its policy for the region relates to Brazilian international integration in a broader perspective and what are its conditioning factors. Thus, the work aims, through the consideration of the specific cases of the rapprochement between Brazil and Iran, Egypt and Turkey, to introduce, in addition to domestic determinants, the systemic dimension, often overlooked in Brazilian research, to analyze Brazilian foreign policy. In addition to the pursuit of internationalization of its companies and to trade improvement interests, the country's diplomacy initiated a greater involvement in international efforts on major policy issues, based on the traditional principle of universalism. Therefore, the policy for the Middle East has fundamental importance in Brazil's efforts to penetrate areas outside of its traditional area of influence. The concept of "autonomy through diversification," which motivates the rapprochement to the region, must be understood within the Brazilian search for power redistribution and recognition in the international system. Brazil's foreign action towards the Middle East, in a context of entropy in the international system, seeks to reform the current order by means of soft balancing, especially via the development of networks, including mediation.

O sistema internacional vem, nas últimas duas décadas, sofrendo modificações em direção à multipolaridade. Países emergentes, como o Brasil, têm buscado maior projeção internacional, motivados por esse cenário em transformação e pela necessidade de promover mudanças no sentido de maior participação das decisões internacionais. Levando em consideração que a legitimidade é necessária à manutenção do poder internacional, pois os custos do uso exclusivo da coerção são muito altos, faz-se necessário o estudo da percepção dos atores internacionais, por ser base para a formação da legitimidade. Dessa forma, o objetivo do trabalho é explicar a percepção de um Estado sobre a atuação de outro. Tendo em vista a relevância da compreensão da projeção internacional brasileira nesse cenário de crescente multipolaridade, cabe analisar a percepção de outros Estados sobre a atuação do Brasil em novas áreas, como o Oriente Médio, e avaliar a atual estratégia brasileira de inserção internacional. Os países estudados são Arábia Saudita, Argélia, Bahrain, Marrocos, Qatar e Tunísia. Foram utilizados os conceitos de leitura da realidade internacional e de postura diante do sistema internacional para explicar os fatores que influenciam a percepção dos atores internacionais. / The international system has been undergoing changes towards multipolarity in the two last decades. Emerging countries, such as Brazil, have been seeking to increase their international projection, motivated by the transformation of this scenario and by the necessity of promoting changes in order to participate more of international decisions. Taking into account that legitimacy is required to the maintenance of international power, as the costs of using exclusively coercion are too high, it is necessary to study the perception of international actors, because it is the basis of legitimacy. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to explain the perception of one State about another. Given the relevance of understanding Brazilian international projection in this scenario of increasing multipolarity, it is worth analyzing the perception of other states about Brazilian action in new areas, such as the Middle East, and evaluating its current strategy of international insertion. The countries analyzed are Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Bahrain, Morocco, Qatar and Tunisia. The study uses the concepts of how states understand the international reality and how they stand before it in order to explain the factors that influence their international perception.

This thesis is a historical study of the Ottoman Armenians in the Ottoman Empire from 1918-1923. It seeks to delineate how the Ottoman Armenians reorganised their political position against the massive socio-political crises that led to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The thesis analyses the transformation of the Armenian political position by examining the Ottoman Turkish and Armenian press. The study contends that the Ottoman Armenians struggled to reorganise their political and social life after the First World War and established alliances with the Allied Powers to create an independent 'Western Armenia', which would ultimately unite with the Armenian state in the Caucasus. The Ottoman Armenians developed a patriotic approach that sought unification with their compatriots in the Caucasus. However, after the defeat of the Greek army by the Nationalist troops in Anatolia in 1922, the collective approach among the Ottoman Armenians changed significantly. After the Nationalist victory had become inevitable, the Ottoman Armenians sought reconciliation and peace with the Turks. This reconciliation was only possible through the acceptance of 'Turkish supremacy' by the Ottoman Armenians. In other words, the Armenians who chose to remain within the boundaries of Turkey preferred to pledge loyalty to the newly established Nationalist government in Ankara. The establishment of the Türk-Ermeni Teali Cemiyeti (Turkish Armenian Ascent Association) and the reconciliation attempts of the Ottoman Armenians with the Muslim Turks is an example of the transformation of the Armenian collective position among the Ottoman Armenians. This study employs Armenian and Ottoman Turkish media sources published in Istanbul and Anatolia during the Armistice years (1918-1923) to track the post-war interrelationship of Ottoman society in general and the Armenian community in particular, the social and political reorganisations of the Armenian community and the transformation of the Armenian political position in the last years of the Ottoman Empire. By doing so, the thesis challenges both Ottoman/Turkish and Armenian historiographies, and attempts to bring these two historiographic approaches together with a new approach to understand this historical period.

This thesis explores the politics of drugs and addiction in Iran in light of processes of state formation. The case of Iran provides a paradigm of what has come to be known as the 'War on Drugs' in a political and cultural setting that has been characterised, by most of the area studies literature, by other investigations and scholarly questions. Iran, nevertheless, represents an outstanding case for the study of the War on Drugs; it is at the geopolitical crossroads of international drug routes, it has one of the world highest rates of drug 'addiction' - estimated at between 2-3% and 6-7% of the entire population - and it has progressively seen the rise of synthetic, industrial drugs, such as methamphetamines (shisheh). The thesis situates the phenomenon of drug use in the social and political history of Iran with a particular attention to the transformations taking place after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. It provides a genealogical map of policy experimentations in the field of drugs, while it also casts light on the rationale that governs the formation and transformation of state practices vis à vis drugs, especially during the reformist and post-reformist period (1997-2013). To do so, the research combines extensive archival research using Persian sources (newspapers, reports, films, memoires, etc.) starting from the early 1900s, with ethnographic fieldwork in public clinics, rehab centres, drug using hotspots and, more generally, the street. The outcome is an in-depth engagement with narcotic politics, which unearths unstudied dynamics of Iran's contemporary politics and society. Instead of moralising approaches, what is unveiled is a state that adopts both rhetoric and practice that are secularised and in tune with Western models of policymaking. Eventually, the thesis reveals how the image of the Iranian state has not only been misplaced, but it has also been a myth.

Implementing risk management (RM) effectively in construction projects and organisations has long been recognised as key to ensuring successful project performance. Therefore, it has become increasingly vital for construction organisations to have RM as an integral part of their project management practice. Such necessity has driven significant increase in research on RM practice in the construction industry. However, little research has been conducted to systematically investigate the RM implementation in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)’s construction industry. Therefore, this research study was aimed at thoroughly investigating RM implementation in this industry toward developing an appropriate framework for improving existing practice. Specifically, this research study has developed a RM framework for enhancing RM implementation practice in construction firms and an informed list of best practice recommendations, all of which aid as a road map for implementing an effective RM system, thereby contributing to the enhancement of practice. In addition, the research has developed a RM maturity model purposely for measuring firms’ existing RM maturity level and identifying key areas for further improvement. Mixed method approach was chosen for the purpose of addressing the research aim and objectives. The first stage of the approach involved a comprehensive review of relevant literature. Then, a pilot study and two questionnaire surveys were designed and distributed to professionals from construction organisations in the GCC countries. Moreover, six case studies from real-life projects were conducted. The RM framework was validated through a series of experts’ interviews. This research has identified and ranked 62 key risk factors affecting construction project performance, and were categorised under four levels, namely: country level, industry and market level, firm capability level, and project implementation level. Also, this research study has identified 28 RM maturity criteria and 15 critical barriers to RM implementation. These were used to develop a comprehensive RM maturity system, which can serve as a guide for determining the RM capability of construction organisations to enable them decide on the most appropriate implementation strategies. Moreover, the case studies provide rich in-depth qualitative data that explains, among others, the status of RM implementation in practice and the level of maturity displayed by GCC construction organisations on this subject. The cross–case comparison results substantiated the survey findings, and highlighted the influence of the firms’ characteristics on the RM implementation. Also, the findings serve as a case-study from GCC countries from which other countries in the Middle East and developing world can benefit immensely from the lessons learnt, since these countries share a lot in common as far as RM practices are concerned. The empirical results and outcomes of this research are arguably the first to be presented for the GCC construction industry, and therefore have a high potential of contributing significantly to the existing body of knowledge and understanding in RM. The results of this research do not only fill a major gap in the literature on the subject of RM practice in this industry, but also offer greater awareness and understanding of RM implementation in construction firms. Future studies would be conducted to assess the RM maturity in other projects or in other countries and to investigate the relationship between the RM maturity and improvement in project performance. For instance, the case studies would be performed to uncover RM implementation and the associated managerial implications which will allow practitioners to understand the real implementation issues in practice and the experience of firms that is worth learning from.

abstract: Immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers. Three words describing the same group of people. Individuals seeking a better, safer life. Western media is focused right now, in 2016, on the humanitarian crisis from the Middle East to the European Union; just like two years ago it was centered on the huge numbers of unaccompanied minors immigrating into the United States from Central America. Media changes its focus but problems do not end with a change of headlines. Unaccompanied minors are the most vulnerable population looking for asylum. This study looks at two different immigration flows of unaccompanied minors: one from the Middle East going to the European Union; and the other one from Central America to the United States. This research finds similarities and differences between these two flows of migrant children related to the reasons why they leave their countries of origin, their experiences during the trip to the destination countries, the asylum process, the legal status of these children and how these minors are perceived by societies in the destination countries. Using a human rights law framework, this thesis will explore the continuum of violations of human rights that these children endure on their journey from their origin countries to their destination states. Through interviews with former and current direct providers of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum, previous scholarly work, documentaries and news articles on the subject, it will make clear that these two flows of children fleeing to different destinations have much more in common than what may be initially perceived. This emergent, exploratory and inductive qualitative research will bring light to asylum law and question why the social responsibility to protect children seems to skip the most vulnerable ones: unaccompanied minors seeking asylum. / Dissertation/Thesis / Documents to be included in addendum / Masters Thesis Social Justice and Human Rights 2016

abstract: To understand the visual culture and art education practices within three ideologically distinct kindergartens, I employed an interdisciplinary approach, utilizing tools from the fields of art, education, anthropology, literary theory, visual studies and critical social theory. Each of the three schools was considered to be the "best" of its kind for the community in which it resided; TBS was the original bilingual school, and the most Westernized. It was set in the heart of a major city. The second school, OBS, operated from an Islamic framework located in an under-developed small transitioning suburb; and the last school, NBS, was situated in Al-Jahra, an "outlying area" populated by those labeled as bedouins (Longva, 2006). The participants' attitudes towards art education unfolded as I analyzed my visual observations of the participants' daily practices. I have produced a counter-hegemonic visual narrative by negotiating my many subjectivities and methods to gain new knowledge and insights. This approach has provided a holistic understanding of the environment in each site, in which attitudes and practices relating to art education have been acquired by the community. Operating from three different educational paradigms, each school applied a different approach to art education. The more Westernized school viewed art as an individual act which promoted creativity and expression. In the Islamic school art was viewed as an activity that required patterning (Stokrocki, 1986), and that the child needed to be guided and exposed to the appropriate images to follow. In the bedouin school, drawing activities were viewed as an opportunity for representing one's individual story as well as a skill for emergent literacy. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Curriculum and Instruction 2012

O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar o crescimento da Al Jazeera, a rede de TV árabe que mudou a realidade da imprensa no Oriente Médio e em poucos anos se tornou uma das mais vistas no mundo. A rede de TV foi fundada em 1996 em Doha, Catar, durante um período de grandes mudanças no país. Até o ano anterior, um governo conservador limitava os avanços, mas um golpe de Estado levou ao poder o atual Emir, que começou a promover reformas liberais resultando assim em mudanças significativas ao país. A criação da Al Jazeera era parte de um plano de modernização. Em 2001, o canal árabe ganhou notoriedade quando transmitiu os vídeos de Osama Bin Laden. Desde então, o mundo voltou os olhos para o que estava sendo produzido lá. Em 2006, a emissora lançou um canal em inglês, a fim de mostrar as notícias de uma perspectiva árabe. A pesquisa foi baseada na bibliografia especializada e nos trabalhos teóricos de comunicação que complementam com observações in loco e entrevistas com a equipe da Al Jazeera em Doha. Nesta dissertação, analisam-se o contexto de surgimento da Al Jazerra, a cobertura de algumas guerras e transformações, o surgimento de outros veículos e a criação do canal em inglês com o intuito de compreender o processo de consolidação e expansão dessa rede. / The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the growth of Al Jazeera, the Arabic TV network that changed the reality of media in Middle East and in a couple of years became one of the world most watched station. The TV network was founded in 1996 in Doha, Qatar, during a great changing time in the country. Until last year, a conservative government restricted the progress, but a coup brought to power the current Emir, who began promoting liberal reforms resulting in significant changes to the country. The creation of Al Jazeera was part of a modernization plan. In 2001, the Arabic channel gained notoriety when broadcasted videos of Osama Bin Laden. Since then, the world turned its eyes to what was being produced there. In 2006, the station launched a channel in English, in order to show the news from an Arab perspective. The research was based on specialized literature review and theoretical works which complement with on ground observations and interviews given by Al Jazeeras staff in Doha. In this thesis, we analyze the context of the emergence of Al Jazerra, covering wars and some social transformations, the emergence of other media and creating the channel in English, in order to understand the process of consolidation and expansion of this network.

Por meio de dois artigos, um de revisão bibliográfica e outro de pesquisa empírica, este trabalho busca examinar os impactos para o Egito, e as repercussões para o Oriente Médio, da ascensão da Irmandade Muçulmana ao poder após a deposição de Hosni Mubarak, ditador egípcio durante três décadas. O caso do Egito é o objeto da pesquisa pois exemplifica de forma cristalina como as aberturas democráticas nos países árabe-muçulmanos representam um enorme desafio para essas sociedades. A atuação da Irmandade Muçulmana em um ambiente de liberdade era aguardada por observadores dentro e fora do Oriente Médio pois, como principal movimento adepto do chamado islã político, seu sucesso ou fracasso poderiam indicar a possibilidade de êxito na construção das democracias locais, uma vez que parece inevitável o islamismo, como sinônimo de islã político, ser o primordial beneficiário da ruína dos regimes despóticos que grassam na região. Como base para esta análise, o primeiro artigo busca, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica da história e da ideologia da Irmandade Muçulmana, desde sua fundação, em 1928, as explicações para o comportamento do grupo após a queda de Mubarak. O segundo artigo, por sua vez, estuda a conduta da política externa do Egito e reconstrói a forma como a ditadura de Mubarak desempenhava suas relações exteriores, comparando esta com a política externa do Egito durante o governo de Mohamed Morsi, irmão muçulmano eleito presidente do país em junho de 2012. Por fim, o segundo artigo busca entender os impactos provocados pelo período de governo da Irmandade Muçulmana na política externa do Egito na fase seguinte, após a deposição de Morsi (julho de 2013), em que o país passou a ser liderado pelo marechal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, cujas ações na seara internacional são manifestamente tomadas em oposição não apenas à Irmandade Muçulmana, mas a qualquer elemento que possa ser identificado com o islã político. / Through two articles, a literature review and an empirical analysis, this paper seeks to examine the impacts to Egypt, and the implications for the Middle East, of the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood after the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian dictator for three decades. The case of Egypt is the object of research because it exemplifies in a crystalline way how the democratic openings in the Arab-Muslim countries represent a huge challenge for these societies. The performance of the Muslim Brotherhood in a freer environment was expected by observers inside and outside the Middle East because, as the main supporter of the movement called political Islam, its success or failure could indicate the possibility of success in the construction of local democracies, since it seems inevitable that Islamism, as synonymous with political Islam, be the primary beneficiary of the ruin of the despotic regimes that are rife in the region. As a basis for this analysis, the first article seeks, through a literature review of the history and ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, since its founding in 1928, the explanations for the behavior of the group after the fall of Mubarak. The second article, in turn, studies the conduct of foreign policy of Egypt and reconstructs how the dictatorship of Mubarak played its foreign relations, comparing this with the foreign policy of Egypt during the reign of Mohamed Morsi, muslim brother elected president of the country in June 2012. Finally, the second article seeks to understand the impacts caused by the period of government of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt\'s foreign policy in the next stage, after the deposition of Morsi (July 2013), in which the country was led by Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, whose actions in the international arena are clearly taken in opposition not only to the Muslim Brotherhood, but the elements which can be identified with political Islam.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo caracterizar as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) como resultantes do processo de desintegração do Império Otomano no quadro definido pela aceleração histórica de acordo com Yves Lacoste. Ela evidencia o processo/projeto balcanizador, ou seja, de divisão territorial em base étnica, do Líbano e do Oriente Médio iniciado com o expansionismo europeu a partir do séc. XIX e a continuidade dada a tal processo pelas modernas geoestratégias israelenses, as quais, com suas rupturas, logram imprimir moto próprio à sua operação na Região. Desta forma, traçamos um painel histórico da evolução do Líbano dentro do quadro de tensões geopolíticas regionais e internacionais, como a queda do Império Otomano, a fundação de Israel e os movimentos nacionalistas árabe e judeu, os refugiados palestinos e as crises no Golfo Árabe-Pérsico (as Guerras do Iraque de 1980 e 1991), que se constituíram em fatores de instabilidade para o território libanês. Assim, as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) permitiram que o território libanês passasse a servir como campo de batalha para as guerras do Oriente Médio, nas quais se insere as invasões israelenses do Líbano, em 1978 e em 1982, com seus intentos balcanizadores. / This study aims to characterize the Lebanon War (1975-90) as a result of the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in the framework defined by historical acceleration according to Yves Lacoste. It shows the process / project balkanizing, i.e., territorial division based on ethnic, Lebanon and the Middle East started with the European expansion from the Nineteenth century and continuity to this process given by modern geo-strategic Israelis, which, with its ruptures, manage to print their own motto accord to its operation in the region. Thus, we draw a historical overview of developments in Lebanon within the framework of regional and international geopolitical tensions, as the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the founding of Israel and the Arab and Jewish nationalist movements, Palestinian refugees and the crisis in the Gulf Arab Persian (Iraq wars of 1980 and 1991) that formed factors of instability for the Lebanese territory. Thus, the Lebanon War (1975-90) allowed the Lebanese territory passed serve as the battleground for wars in the Middle East, which falls in the Israeli invasions of Lebanon in 1978 and 1982, with its attempts balkanizing.