This paper is a qualitative text analysis with a purpose of evaluating strengths and weaknesses of the Paris Agreement in the light of the eight design principles of Elinor Ostrom's theory on how to govern the common resources. The eight design principles are; clearly defined boundaries, congruence between appropriation and provision rules and local conditions, collective-choice arrangements, monitoring, graduated sanctions, conflict-resolution mechanisms, minimal recognition of rights to organize, nested enterprises. These principles then lay the ground for the chosen methodological framework. Processes of categorization and coding the Agreement into categories based upon the eight principles then allows for an understanding of strengths and weaknesses shown in the Agreement, in relation to the theory. The result is then also discussed in relation to further considerations that might be important factors to take into account when understanding the Paris Agreement. The paper is based around the document on the Paris Agreement as well as the book by Ostrom named Governing the Commons “The Evolution of Institutions for CollectiveAction”. Further documents and articles are presented throughout the paper, especially in the analysis and discussion to provide for a wider picture on the subject and to avoid an all-biased paper.

Magister Legum - LLM / Global climate change is a serious, severe, and potentially irreversible problem. If no actions are taken to curb greenhouse gas emissions, global temperatures and sea levels will rise, wreaking havoc on earth, particularly in developing countries. The Stockholm Declaration of 1972 facilitated the first international consensus concerning the application of CBDR to international environmental problems. This was in reaction to the developing countries refusal to adhere to the same standards as the developed countries as they perceived this as a burden to their economic growth, which is unjust due to the developed countries historical culpability.

In 2015, the COP21 creates a new hybrid mode of multilateral governance, which aims to make the action of non-states actors a bridge between the political commitments and the government’s actions. The business world is one of these actors with ambitious new roles to implement the Paris Agreements and its NDCs. Yet it seems that nobody has yet questioned whether companies can also act as leaders at their level or at least help their country/organisation to take the lead. To understand how business perceived their roles in the governance landscape post Paris-Agreement, several questions were asked to see what kind of leadership themselves were looking for. Who are the designated leaders for business when it comes to climate leadership? How have them evolved ? Why are they recognized as such? And what is the role of business in delivering Parties' NDCs in the post Paris-Agreement area? Thanks to a unique data collection of questionnaires distributed on COP22 to 25, it appeared that European leadership is not only the most consistent but also the most recognised, although the other EU partners in the BIG3 are far from demeriting. As the issue is particularly political, it was found that the recognition of leadership is not only due to certain leaders but also to many laws, which create and restrict many opportunities for business. The history and culture of the countries concerned also provided many answers. Finally, it seemed unanimous that a cooperative work between governments and business would allow a better and faster reach of both NDCs and SDGs.

In 2015, the COP21 creates a new hybrid mode of multilateral governance, which aims to make the action of non-states actors a bridge between the political commitments and the government’s actions. The business world is one of these actors with ambitious new roles to implement the Paris Agreements and its NDCs. Yet it seems that nobody has yet questioned whether companies can also act as leaders at their level or at least help their country/organisation to take the lead. To understand how business perceived their roles in the governance landscape post Paris-Agreement, several questions were asked to see what kind of leadership themselves were looking for. Who are the designated leaders for business when it comes to climate leadership? How have them evolved ? Why are they recognized as such? And what is the role of business in delivering Parties' NDCs in the post Paris-Agreement area? Thanks to a unique data collection of questionnaires distributed on COP22 to 25, it appeared that European leadership is not only the most consistent but also the most recognised, although the other EU partners in the BIG3 are far from demeriting. As the issue is particularly political, it was found that the recognition of leadership is not only due to certain leaders but also to many laws, which create and restrict many opportunities for business. The history and culture of the countries concerned also provided many answers. Finally, it seemed unanimous that a cooperative work between governments and business would allow a better and faster reach of both NDCs and SDGs.

Yes / The Paris Agreement, signed in 2015, sets ambitious goals for diminishing greenhouse gas emissions and restricting the rise in global temperature to achieve a less carbon-intensive and climate-resilient global economy. The Paris Agreement marked a defining moment in the worldwide response to global warming and has significantly affected the financial sector. Given this background, this research explores the effects of carbon risk on the cost of debt (CoD) in 1428 listed firms across seven economies from 2011 to 2020. The paper also reflects the post-Paris Agreement’s involvement and the ESG factors’ moderating effect in the empirical models. The study finds a significant impact of carbon risk on CoD following the implementation of the Paris Agreement. Notably, companies with higher carbon risk face higher borrowing rates. However, the effect of ESG on moderating the relationship between carbon risk and CoD is found to be insignificant. Further analyses confirm this finding, as individual pillars of ESG (governance and social aspects) also show insignificant moderating effects.

In December 2015, the world leaders gathered in Paris trying to address the urging challenges with climate change. The product of this meeting is called the Paris Agreement. Beforehand, many argued that another failure could not be accepted and the policymakers must let science influence the policy process. The aim of this study was to explore, through the epistemic community approach, in what way IPCC where able to influence the Paris Agreement. The results shows that the Paris Agreement was highly influenced under the topic sustainable development, while IPCCs assessments for mitigation and adaption was partly implemented.

This paper aims to study Swedish newspapers and their reporting on climate change and the climate threat in regard to different discourses. The two discourses, one regarding rhetoric controlled by a mindset of chatastrophy and the other concerning responsibility were discussed in relation to the content of the Paris agreement. The agreement also functioned as the chosen time period for the essay. This means articles from 2015 and forward were analyzed and the discussed. The methods used for the study were critical discourse analysis which was created by Norman Fairclough in combination with theories regarding policymaking and represented problems, a theory and method created by Carol Lee Bacchi. The essay’s results focused on the two discourses and the content of the Paris agreement, in these the discourses were identified and analysed. The conclusions showed that the rhetoric surrounding climate change was influenced by a doomsday an chatastrophic influenced rhetoric that affected the articles and opinions. Another conclusion showed that in relation to the Paris agreement the question of responsibility was placed on the more developed countries in the agreement but in the media the responsibility was more abstract and concerned a more unclear version of humanity. Therefore the blame for climate change is unclear and uncertain.

Climate change has become a catalyst for global action on greenhouse gas emissions. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change orchestrated the Paris Agreement to propel the international community towards implementing definitive carbon abatement plans. These policy commitments are known as Nationally Determined Contributions. However, as of yet many signatories to the Agreement are struggling to align their mitigation pledge with domestic policies. The energy sector is one of the key industries implicit in this carbon abatement process. New energy policies will need to be radically reoriented towards a low-carbon trajectory. In the literature, this pursuit is classed as a socio-technical transition. The Philippines is severely vulnerable to the risks posed by extreme weather patterns exaggerated by increasing temperatures. The country has actively engaged with the climate change discourse but recent trends demonstrate a reversal in low-carbon energy sector planning. Its status as an emerging economy with high potential GDP growth rates increases the urgency to act now to avoid becoming locked-in to an outdated energy system. A discourse and thematic analysis was conducted on key Philippine government texts concerning future energy policy. The approach enabled an exploration of the mechanisms underlying power sector governance in the context of the Paris Agreement. The multi-level perspective provided a conceptual framework for the findings, and enabled the identification of relationships and antagonism within discourses linked to energy system. This framework breaks down the system into three tiers and facilitates analysis of the interplay between landscape pressures, regime resistance and niche experimentation. The results indicated a disparity between the two government agencies on the necessity of low-carbon sector planning. The Philippine Climate Change Commission correlated the benefits of carbon abatement much more closely with the wider goals of sustainable development. The department of energy meanwhile advocated fossil fuel capacity building to meet economic requirements. Divergence in storylines led to a poor alignment between domestic energy policy and the aims of the Paris Agreement. An appreciation of the barriers to a unified overarching mitigation discourse, will assist in the creation of long-term abatement strategies required by the Paris Agreement.

As climate change continues to permeate the current political discourse and its effects becomes increasingly visible, the way countries respond to the situation is crucial for determining the extent of future environmental degradation. The Paris Agreement is an attempt to mitigate and adapt to the situation, however the western values tied to it have been criticised. The effectiveness of democracy in environmental protection has been questioned, especially its ties to capitalism and individualism. This thesis uses the theory of authoritarian environmentalism to investigate this debate and see whether the claims have any legitimacy in the context of the Paris Agreement and the promises made in relation to it.     This thesis is a structured focused comparison which compares the policies and projects in three democratic and three autocratic African countries in close geographical proximity and similar environmental situations, to investigate if and in what way the type of government affects the promises made, and whether they are kept, to the Paris Agreement and its signatories. The indicators used for the thesis include policies and internationally funded projects, due to their accessibility, however it is worth noting that they only give a crude approximation of the activities and ambition in the countries, with several others having important roles.    The quality of the six countries’ Intended Nationally Determined Contributions is investigated and followed up with an evaluation of some of the projects active to examine if the countries are implementing their promised efforts, already in these early, yet important, stages of the Agreement. In addition, the theory is applied to the countries’ efforts and some conclusions are reached, including the overall good quality of the countries’ environmental work and confirming that authoritarian countries can produce quality policies, while still having lacking areas, similar to their democratic counterparts, pointing to the complexity of the topic.

This diploma thesis focuses on the phenomenon of global climate change from the perspective of climate change law. The thesis defines the phenomenon in legal terms and deals with problems it brings to the environment and the world population. Its major part is dedicated to the international law of climate change, including all past Conferences of the Parties (COP) and their outcomes together with the most important treaties - United Nations Framework Convention in terms of Kyoto Protocol and the unsuccessful Doha Amendment. The Paris Agreement, which is the most recent international treaty, already ratified by 160 countries, could be a game changer in terms of effectivity in both climate change mitigation and adaptation legislation as well as much needed international solution. This thesis also focuses on the EU law of climate change, especially on the progress and future of Emissions Trading System and other legislation. Not only is the EU now more focused on the adaptation legislation, this is an important topic also for the Czech Republic. Especially when many Czech laws stem from EU regulations, there is still a great potential in the adaptation legislation and major progress is expected in the near future. Key words Climate change, Paris Agreement, emissions allowances, COP