The present master thesis deals with non-banking microfinance institutions and examines its abilities and role in the poverty alleviation process. It is more than necessary to pay attention to the rural sector and its development as any successful transition of the economy requires transition of the rural sector as well. In many transition economies people in the rural areas continue to live on the edge of poverty, engaged in subsistence agriculture and remain susceptible to wide range of shocks. In such countries rural population unlike urban one did not benefit to the same extend from transition and need special attention and supporting policy measures. Due to low penetration rate of microfinance institutions into rural areas, lacking or insufficient size of collateral, financial illiteracy many poor but active man face problems to obtaining finance for the development of new income opportunities. In this context the master thesis emphasizes the role of savings and credit associations, which unlike the commercial banks operate mainly in rural sector, have the most significant effect on poverty alleviation. Finally, the author analyses the activity of 3 non-banking microfinance institutions of the Republic of Moldova and uses publicly available data to calculate the outreach, efficiency and...

The Bîc River in the Republic of Moldova is a heavily polluted water body. Along the river stretch, from a small creek in Sipoteni close to the river mouth at Gura Bîcului, sediment samples were taken using a very cost-effective method and analyzed for a number of pollutants. The results showed very high levels of petroleum products in and downstream of the city of Chişinău, situated in the middle of the river basin, ex-ceeding even the guideline value for cleanup of industrial land. Concentrations of heavy metals were detected at all sample points, exceeding the Lowest Effect Level (LEL) in 37 out of 48 samples and the Probable Effect Level (PEL) in four of them. High concentrations of nutrients (N and P) were detected, especially outside of the city, where concentrations exceeded even the Severe Effect Level (SEL) for both N and P at one site. DDT concentrations were highest at the beginning of the river, the concentrations becoming lower and lower when getting closer to the river mouth. At three of the six sampling sites, DDT concentrations exceeded the LEL. PCB levels were lower than the LEL. This was attributed to unsuitable handling of the samples before analysis and therefore the PCB concentration levels requires further investiga-tion. The continued monitoring of the sediments is of great need, therefore a proposal for a monitoring program was written. It was estimated that Bîc contributes 118000 tons of suspended particles to Dniester each year, almost 60 % more per km2 than Dniester contributes to the Black Sea.

In this article I have analyzed the world legislation that regulates the environmental impact assessment but also the attributions of the public authorities related to this topic. By researching the results obtained during the implementation of the legislation in this field, we can deduce that the existence of the legal framework does not fully guarantee the successful execution of a procedure, and in this case the implementation of environmental impact assessment. Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is a process that identifies, assesses and mitigates the environmental impacts of a proposed project. This article examines the challenges faced in carrying out EIAs, the similarities and differences between EIAs in different countries, and the evolution of EIA effectiveness over time. Although, the legislation of the Republic of Moldova regulates this process, in practice very few projects, whether public or private, are subject to environmental impact assessment. At the end of the article I have proposed some solutions to improve the performance of this large procedure.

The thesis deals with the topic of operating space for civil society organizations in the Republic of Moldova during the period from March 2017 to February 2019. The main aim of the thesis was to determine whether the case of Moldova corresponded to the concept of shrinking space for civil society defined by Saskia Brechenmacher in her paper Civil Society under Assault in 2017. Shrinking or closing space, which occurs more and more frequently in different countries throughout the world, can be defined on the basis of three main areas: tactics, impact and international reaction. The operational space for the civil sector in the Republic of Moldova differed from Brechenmacher's concept partially in the areas of tactics and international reaction and more significantly in the area of impact due to fact that that the restrictive legislation remained in the phase of a bill. As Brechenmacher's concept does not cover all aspects of operating space in Moldova, a supplementary chapter has been added. The main difference from Brechenmacher's concept was the aspect of "simulated collaboration". State officials pretended that the civil society was involved in the decision-making process, but in fact they ignored its views.

The European Union is one of the most significant international actors whose institutional character and specific conduct of foreign policy make it an interesting object of study. It creates robust policies and programmes to frame relations with both the Member States, as well as with neighbouring countries. The European Neighbourhood Policy, and the Eastern Partnership specifically, is one such example. Even though the ENP was formally designed as a policy of non - membership, the communication of the EU's stance tends to refrain from framing it that way. Consequently, this creates a situation in which the neighbouring state continues to aspire to become a member of the EU, despite lack of reform progress, in hope of a "membership delay". The thesis addresses this discrepancy on the example of the relationship between the EU and the Republic of Moldova after the signature of the Association Agreement by interpreting its development and by assessing how the EU uses its normative power to Europeanize Moldova. Keywords Normative power, Europeanization, EU-enlargement, the European Union, the Republic of Moldova

With Romania's acceptance into NATO, the Republic of Moldova found itself at the frontier of the North-Atlantic Alliance. This thesis evaluates the impact of NATO and European Union enlargements on the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in the eastern part of the Republic of Moldova. Theoretically, recent changes in the geo-political environment in Europe can bring a new impetus to the process of political settlement of the Transnistrian conflict. In the wake of these changes, Moldovan leadership is looking for new supporters to back Moldova in the stand-off against Russia on the Transnistrian issue. In this respect, NATO and the EU appear to be appropriate candidates. Either one of these two organizations, taken separately, possesses enough potential to create an asymmetry against Russia. Would these two institutions get more involved in the fate of this intra-state conflict? Possible courses of action of actors involved will be analyzed through the prisms of realism and liberal institutionalism theories of international relations. Rationale for further enlargement will be assessed against "soft power" resources, such as values, norms and knowledge, accumulated over the years and shared by member-states within both alliances.

Die Artikel dieses Bandes wollen anhand ausgewählter Grenzräume und Themen einen Beitrag zur Darstellung der Situation an der neuen östlichen Außengrenze der EU leisten. Im Zentrum steht dabei der Grenzraum zwischen der Republik Moldau und Rumänien. Analysen der geopolitischen, ethnischen und nationalen sowie ökonomischen und sozialen Probleme dieser Länder sollen die Rahmenbedingungen für das Leben der Bevölkerung in diesem Grenzraum verdeutlichen. Diese Probleme wirken sich auf den Alltag der Grenzraumbevölkerung, besonders auf ihre grenzüberschreitenden Aktivitäten aus. Politik und Wissenschaft müssen sich gerade auch der Probleme der Grenzräume annehmen, weil in Europa das Bemühen um eine friedliche "Einheit in der Vielfalt" nicht an den Außengrenzen der EU enden kann.

歐洲社會民主主義與共產主義皆源自馬克思的社會主義，俄羅斯無產階級革命成功後使得兩者在實際作為中開始分化。隨後社會民主主義在西歐議會制度中得以持續發展，而第二次世界大戰後東歐則被蘇聯納入共產主義陣營之中。然而，歷經近百年的實踐後兩者終究殊途同歸，其同歸的方式是由社會民主主義更新發展成為更符合現代政治價值的「第三條路」，尤其蘇東劇變後的20年間，東西歐的左派政治皆已趨於穩定，特別是東歐各國的共產黨繼承政黨在社會民主化後，更能相繼以聯合政府的方式取得上臺執政的機會。 其中最受國際關注的，便是摩爾多瓦共產黨於2001年2月2日在國會選舉中獲得眾多選民的支持，在國會101席中取得71席的絕對多數，令其有權單獨組成政府，更尤甚者，推舉出自家的共黨總統沃羅寧；2005年沃羅寧二度蟬連總統職位，並由摩共繼續組成政府。自2001年起至2009年已連續執政八年，從執政前摩爾多瓦的政治背景、摩共得以重新回朝的原因探究，到其執政後國內外政治的重要議題，皆是本文專章著墨的重點。 本文認為：第一，社會民主主義在後蘇20年中，積極從事理論與實踐的改革，在老左派與新右派之間已經走出新的「第三條路」；第二，研究摩共得以重新上臺的因素，除了本身對於政治制度的探索與改革之外，轉型時期的經濟危機與府會之爭，以及共產遺緒效應皆為主因；第三，摩共執政八年在經濟調息與外交政策的表現上成績斐然，但逐年下降的民主化評比卻突顯出共黨一貫僵化的政治思維，外加第二任期的經濟表現停滯，導致摩爾多瓦共產黨最終還是淪為最大在野黨。 / Both Social democracy and communism are derived from Karl Marx’s Socialism. However, they had come to a parting of the ways after the success of the proletarian revolution in Russia. Social democracy continued to develop under the parliamentary system in Western Europe, while communism thrived in Eastern European countries, which were controlled by USSR after WWII. Coming into the 21st century, however, the two reconciled and have once again merged and redefined themselves as “the Third Way”, which adapts itself to certain modern political values, and it had been growing steadily in the first two decades following the dissolution of Soviet Union. In Eastern Europe, successors of communist party have adapted themselves to this “Third Way”, which helped them come into power one after another by forming coalition governments. Among them, it was the Party of Communist of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM), which attracted international attention. The PCRM has won an absolute majority, gaining 71 out of a total of 101 seats, in the 2001 Moldovan Parliamentary election, enabled it to form the government, as well as, electing its very own communist President Vladimir Voronin. In 2005, the PCRM has once again won the election, and made President Vladimir Voronin re-elected to a consecutive term. The PCRM was in government between 2001 and 2009 for 8 years, and this research will look into a wide range of issues including the political background of PCRM, accounts of its regaining of political power, and important decisions of domestic and foreign policies made by the PCRM government. The first part of this research argues that social democracy had been actively reforming both in theory and practice in the two decades after the dissolution of USSR and it has successfully created a “Third Way” as opposed to the Old Left and the New Right. The second part argues that PCRM’s return to office can be attributed to its self-reformation, economic crisis, confrontations between the President and the Parliament in the period of transition, as well as, the communist legacy. In conclusion, it is argued that, although, PCRM government has made great achievements in foreign policies and in restructuring economy, Moldova’s score on democracy has worsened during its time in government, reflecting the ossified political ideology of communist party. It is this ossified political ideology alongside with the economic stagnation in its second term that led to the defeat of PCRM in the 2009 election and sent it back to opposition majority in the Parliament ultimately.

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En 1989, la proclamation de l'indépendance de la République de Moldavie allait de pair avec les nouvelles lois linguistiques adoptées par le Parlement. L'institualisation de la dénomination de la langue officielle, « langue moldave » (Constitution 1994), rencontra une ferme opposition de la part des intellectuels qui approuvaient la nature linguistique identique du moldave et du roumain. Le glottonyme moldave renvoyait à la période soviétique de la promotion d'une « langue moldave » distincte du roumain, procédé aujourd'hui qualifié d'expérimentation linguistique ayant échouée. À présent, l’aménagement linguistique de la langue d’État exige de la part de la société moldave la recherche des réponses adaptées, en surmontant les contradictions de certaines représentations héritées du passé. La régulation des rapports entre les nouveaux États indépendants issus de l’ex-Union Soviétique connaît, elle aussi, une évolution. Cette évolution conduit à l’installation d’une nouvelle dynamique dans le rapport de différents groupes linguistiques à la langue d’État où ils résident. Nous allons observer comment se produit concrètement la reconnaissance d’une langue en tant que langue d’État (officielle). Quel est le cheminement dans l’aménagement linguistique de la République de Moldavie depuis son indépendance ? Qu’est-ce qui se passe dans l’espace symbolique et imaginaire d’un processus de reconnaissance d’une langue en tant que langue d’État ? Nous observerons la place de la langue d’État de la République de Moldavie dans la société à travers son status et les éléments constitutifs : la règlementation linguistique et les institutions de l’aménagement linguistique, les politiques linguistiques et éducatives, les forces sociolinguistiques en présence (et notamment les représentations qui sont assignées aux langues, etc.). Nous observerons son aménagement normatif, lexical, terminologique, graphique, etc., le rapport au roumain standard. / In 1989 the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Moldova came along new linguistic laws adopted by the Parliament. The institutionalization of the denomination of the official language, Moldavian language (Constitution of 1994), encountered a strong opposition from the intellectuals, who had approved the identical linguistic nature of the Romanian and Moldavian languages. The Moldavian glottonym refers to the Soviet period of the promotion of the Moldavian language distinct from the Romanian language; a conduct today qualified of political manipulation and failed linguistic experiment. From now on the linguistic planning of the State language requires the Moldavian society to look for adapted solutions, by overcoming some contradictions inherited from the past. Regulation of the relationships between the new independent States originated from the ex-Soviet Union is evolving as well. This evolution leads to the installation of a new relationship dynamic between the different ethnic groups and the language of the State they reside in. We will observe how a language is tangibly recognized as a State language (official). Which pathway followed linguistic planning in Republic of Moldova since its independence? What happens in the symbolic and imaginary space of a State language recognition process? We will observe the position of the State language in the Republic of Moldova in the society through its status and constitutive elements: linguistic reglementation and institutions of linguistic planning, linguistic and educational policies, present sociolinguistic forces (and notably the representations that are assigned to languages, etc.). We will observe its normative, lexical, terminological, graphical, etc. relationship to the standard Romanian.