This thesis re-evaluates the nature and roles of the Italian classes (fleets) of the Roman empire between 31 BC and AD 193. Studied through the prism of naval history, the classes have been portrayed either as ineffective forces left to decay, or maritime institutions supporting military logistics. By starting from the position that the classes cannot easily be compared to other fleets, I argue that they should be regarded as a flexible manpower pool, placed in the same broad category as other soldiers in the Roman empire, who were drawn upon to perform a range of tasks on land and sea to the benefit of the Emperor, and who were integrated into systems supporting the functioning of the empire, which I term imperial organics. Chapter One discusses primarily epigraphic evidence for the classis servicemen, to argue that they considered themselves and were considered as milites who were trained to row, and who could be given tasks suitable to their abilities and places of deployment. Chapter Two, building on earlier discussion of the origins of the servicemen, examines second century AD papyrological evidence for recruitment from the Egpytian Fayoum. It posits recruitment systems which relied on several elements outside the control of Roman authorities, but which nonetheless ensured that the Italian classes were a well supplied manpower pool, perhaps because they did not rely on the so-called gens de mer. Chapter Three re-examines the main “naval bases” of the classes at Misenum and Ravenna, arguing that rather than purely military ports they should be understood as sites concentrating imperial resources to aid imperial activity in regions where concentrations of imperial property are attested. Drawing on arguments in the previous chapters, Chapter Four considers three case-studies for the functions of the Italian classes: their role in Roman military mobilisation and redeployment systems, their involvement in imperial communications, and their possible place in a coastal system on the western coast of Italy suggestive of imperial authority and benefaction. In all three it seeks to present evidence for imperial organics, low-level systems, possibly engendered by imperial activity, but which could persist of their own accord and which were essential to the workings of empire.

The present thesis aims to conclude an analysis of political and administative structures in Byzantium and Western Empire from the end of the 9th until half of the 11th century. This was achieved by means of comparison. The author attempted resolve the issue of mutual relationship between the political elite and the ruler and how differences both in the Byzantine and Western Empires influenced the social system. The research included analysis of ruler legitimity, organisation of administration, social mentality and abstract ideas of the state. In the conclusion of this work, the author presented the major differences between West and Byzantium and evaluated future development of both states in regard to internal stability and integration fo political elites. Keywords: Byzantine Empire, East Francia, Roman Empire, Idea of the State

Essa pesquisa almeja explicitar a influência de Lívia e de Agripina Menor, muitas vezes absolutamente política, no período entre 38 a.C. a 59 d.C.; destacando neste processo o uso das mulheres na criação da domus Augusta e na propaganda de Augusto e de outros imperadores da dinastia Júlio-Claudiana. Para isto, serão analisados excertos das fontes primárias, especialmente Tácito e Suetônio, nos quais podemos identificar a relevância destas mulheres dentro da família imperial e na sociedade romana. / This research aims to make explicit the influence of Livia and Agrippina Minor, an influence very often absolutely political, in the period from 38 BC to 59 AD; emphasizing in this process the use of women in the creation of the domus Augusta and in the propaganda of Augustus and other emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. For this, excerpts from primary sources will be analyzed, particularly Tacitus and Suetonius, in which we identify the relevance of these women within the Imperial family and in Roman society.

O trabalho aqui apresentado visa levantar as denominações presentes em contextos do norte e centro-norte da Europa. Buscando compreender as dinâmicas entre Roma, através suas províncias e os povos locais os quais as fontes textuais chamam de germânicos. Este trabalho visa compreender quais são os processos e relações estabelecidas entre Roma e os locais a partir da moeda e como estes povos irão compreender e utilizar das moedas em seu universo. / This work here presented aim to showcase the denominations present in northern and central european contexts. Aiming the comprehension of the dinamics between Rome, with their provinces, and the local peoples in wich the latin texts call germanicus. At the same time this work presents possible explanations to the ocurrence of a diverse body of coin types and denominations, the Roman and locals connections through the use of coins and possible interpretaions for the uses made by the local peoples.

Ecrire l’Histoire de l’économie romaine, c’est avant tout, mettre de l’ordre dans ce qui, à priori, peut apparaître comme un chaos factuel dépourvu de toute organisation, de toute logique. L’écriture de l’Histoire de l’économie romaine est réalisable si l’on parvient à rompre la discontinuité évènementielle tout en créant un réseau de causes et conséquences. Bien plus que de comprendre les liens qui relient un évènement à un autre, le plus important est de réussir à les inscrire dans le processus de développement économique mis en place par l’Empire romain. L’évènement n’a plus alors seulement un sens en lui-même, il prend sens dans le projet global des Romains.Tout au long du XXème siècle, le domaine de l’histoire de l’économie antique va être agité par un débat d’une intense vigueur : la Controverse Bücher-Meyer. Catalyseur de nombreuses théories et polémiques sur les systèmes économiques dans l’Antiquité, elle a divisé la communauté scientifique en deux camps bien distincts. Le débat est toujours ouvert, primitivistes et modernistes ne tarissant pas d’arguments pour démontrer que, depuis l’Antiquité, nous pouvons parler de permanence comportementale pour les uns, alors que pour les autres, au contraire, la société a connu des transformations économiques majeures.A ce jour, nous sommes, quasiment, sortis de l’époque manichéenne de la controverse. Et c’est heureux car cette opposition aurait fini par stériliser la recherche. Nous sommes dans une « post-Finley era », propice à l’écriture d’une nouvelle Histoire économique et sociale du monde romain.Le but premier de cette thèse n’est en aucun cas de réaliser une biographie des Princes ayant gouverné au cours des deux premiers siècles de l’Empire, d’éminents intellectuels ou historiens l’on déjà fait avant moi. Donner une définition personnelle de ce qu’est l’économie romaine, comment les Romains pensaient-ils cette économie, comment géraient-ils ce phénomène, voilà les vraies questions qui constituent mon travail de doctorat. Prenant appui sur les débats historiographiques et les nombreuses sources que nous avons à notre disposition, mon objectif est d’établir, de façon précise et avec conviction, à quel niveau de développement et à quel type de pensée économique était parvenue la civilisation romaine. En faisant référence à la théorie d’Edouard Will, « l’économie romaine n’est que… romaine », c’est en tant que telle qu’il faut écrire son Histoire. Ce qu’il faut comprendre par-là, c’est que faire une analyse objective de l’Histoire de l’économie romaine cela équivaut à Penser Rome. / Writing down the history of Roman economy consists in first place in putting order to what may appear at first sight as a factual chaos substracted of any logic. The redaction of the history of Roman economy can be achieved only through succeeding into breaking down the chain of events while creating a network of causes and consequences. Much more than understanding relationships between an event and an other, is to manage to connect them into the economical development process created by the Roman Empire.Then the event does not make sense by itself, but it makes sense in the global Roman’s project.During the whole twentieth century, the field of the antic economic history will be troubled by a harsh debate : the “controverse Bücher-Meyer”. Catalyst of numerous theories about the antic economic systems, it has divided the scientific community into two distinct sides. The debate is still open between the “primitivistes” and the “modernistes”, indeed, forthe first ones, we can consider behavioral permanency throughout history, while the others points out that the society has known majors economical transformations. Today, the Manichean time of this controversy is almost at its end. We are in a “post-Finley era”, propitious to the realization of a new social and economical history of the Roman’s world.The main objective of this thesis is not to write down an other biography of the Empire’s first two century princes.That has already been done before by eminent historians. Giving a personal definition of what Roman economy is, how the romans used to think this economy and how they used to manage it, here are the true questions which are composing my Ph.D. thesis.Resting on the numerous sources we are disposing of, my objective, is to precisely define which level of development and which economical way of thinking did the roman society reached. Referring to Edward Will, “Roman’s economy is only Roman”, and it is with this idea in mind that we should write its history. What we have to understand here is that analyzing objectively the history of roman economy is equivalent to think about it as Rome in its whole entity.

Essa pesquisa almeja explicitar a influência de Lívia e de Agripina Menor, muitas vezes absolutamente política, no período entre 38 a.C. a 59 d.C.; destacando neste processo o uso das mulheres na criação da domus Augusta e na propaganda de Augusto e de outros imperadores da dinastia Júlio-Claudiana. Para isto, serão analisados excertos das fontes primárias, especialmente Tácito e Suetônio, nos quais podemos identificar a relevância destas mulheres dentro da família imperial e na sociedade romana. / This research aims to make explicit the influence of Livia and Agrippina Minor, an influence very often absolutely political, in the period from 38 BC to 59 AD; emphasizing in this process the use of women in the creation of the domus Augusta and in the propaganda of Augustus and other emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. For this, excerpts from primary sources will be analyzed, particularly Tacitus and Suetonius, in which we identify the relevance of these women within the Imperial family and in Roman society.

Cette étude analyse ce que fut la vie des sociétés insulaires égéennes au moment de l'hégémonie romaine et tente d'interpréter le rôle historique des Cyclades au sein de l'Empire romain (Ier s. av. J.-C.-IIIe s. ap. J.-C.). L'examen des transformations politiques, économiques et sociales des cités insulaires permet entre autres de déterminer si les nouvelles conditions instaurées en Égée par le pouvoir impérial romain ont créé une rupture dans leur fonctionnement - notamment par rapport à la basse époque hellénistique - ou si les données insulaires sont restées les mêmes, s'inscrivant dans une continuité reconnaissable par l'historien et dans la « longue durée». Le déclin des îles dont parlent toutes les sources littéraires, tout comme la « renaissance» présumée du Ile s. ap. J.-C., sont ici analysés et nuancés.L'un des enjeux est d'évaluer si l'insularité a été un facteur déterminant dans l'histoire des Cyclades impériales et a créé des modèles sociaux et économiques différents; ou au contraire, si l'Archipel a été totalement intégré, au même titre que les autres régions et provinces, dans le vaste Empire romain, dont on s'attache généralement à souligner la volonté unificatrice. Cette thèse d'histoire spatialement localisée montre toute la pertinence et toute la richesse d'une étude régionale pour le monde grec antique. Le matériel épigraphique et archéologique permet d'appréhender dans sa globalité une société méditerranéenne, pendant plus de trois siècles, et de modéliser un fonctionnement régional (ou micro-régional) à l'intérieur d'un vaste empire, dans un contexte historique et politique précis. / The presents thesis describes life in the island societies of the Aegean during the Roman hegemony, and interprets the historical role of the Cyclades within the Roman Empire (1st c. BC-3rd c. AD). The new conditions established by the Roman imperial state could have resulted in a collapse of the socio-political organization of the Late Hellenistic period. However, it is also possible that the islands conditions remained the same, assuring historical continuity and falling within a "long-term” history. The aim of this research is to provide an answer through a thorough investigation of all political, economic, and social transformations of the islands' poleis (rroÀElç). In this framework, the economic decline attested in multiple written sources, as well as the presumed "renaissance" of the 2nd c. AD, are analyzed.Another aspect of this study is related to the influence of insularity upon the history of imperial Cyclades. It is possible that isolation was determinant, resulting in alternative social and economic models. On the contrary, the Archipelago may have been extensively integrated in the same way as all other regions and provinces of the Roman Empire, whose unifying strategy is usually widely underlined.The present thesis is a spatially localized historical research that shows all the relevance of a regional study regarding the Ancient Greek world. The combines analysis of archaeological and epigraphic material allows a deep understanding of a Mediterranean society, covering a period of more than three centuries. Finally, this research establishes a model for a regional (or micro-regional) functioning within a vast Empire, relying on a precise historical and political context.

La présente étude interroge la conceptualisation chrétienne de l’autorité et des interrelations politiques dans l’Antiquité tardive, à travers motif assez récurrent dans les textes chrétiens des IVe et Ve siècles pour être considéré comme une stratégie rhétorique, celui des associations ‘empereur-croix’. À la confluence de ces deux référents suprêmes de la souveraineté, l’empereur et la croix, se pense et se construit une autre autorité personnelle ou collective, pensée comme médiatrice. Une association peut se définir comme un groupement entre au moins deux entités, concrètes et symboliques, dans un but commun, celui de la royauté glorieuse de l’empereur, du Christ et de leurs médiateurs. La croix y est sollicitée dans son acception prodigiale, en tant que signe puissant et dynamique, iconique et théologique. Elle peut donc être intégrée à une unité de temps et de lieu ou à un discours métaphorique et allégorique. L’objet de la présente enquête est de démontrer que les tenants d’une autorité médiatrice, qu’ils soient laïcs ou ecclésiastiques, revendiquent une visibilité et une assise politique, que le prince est capable de leur concéder, leurs pairs en mesure de leur reconnaître, et auxquelles le peuple peut adhérer. Par conséquent, les associations ‘empereur-croix’ servent un discours engagé, partisan et conquérant, réclamant ou se réclamant d’une autorité spécifiquement chrétienne. Dans tous les cas, celui qui manipule la puissance de la croix est bénéficiaire de qualités prophétiques qui légitiment son inclusion politique. De ce fait, la qualité médiatrice se construit sur la concurrence entre intermédiaires ou sur l’appropriation de cette qualité par le truchement de la loi, et non sur un conflit avec l’autorité impériale. En associant l’empereur et la croix dans leurs textes, les auteurs fabriquent des interactions, des rapports relationnels, des systèmes de contact, qui, loin d’un paysage binaire, révèlent une véritable dynamique de liens politiques multiples et multiformes dans l’Antiquité tardive et non un essoufflement et une ‘standardisation’ de ceux-ci. / This study investigates the Christian conceptualization of authority and its political contexts by focusing on a rather common but never systematically analyzed rhetorical strategy in the texts of the 4th and 5th centuries: the associations between the Roman Emperor and the symbol of the cross. At the interface between the Emperor and the cross stands another authority, personal or collective, who is considered a mediator. Concrete or symbolic associations between at least two parties usually form themselves under a common goal: the glorious kingdom of Emperor, Christ, and their mediators. In this case, the cross is solicited in its profuse meaning as a powerful and dynamic sign, both iconic and theological; it is thus integrated in a specific setting of time and place or in a metaphorical and allegorical discourse. The goal of this study is to look at the different proponents of a mediating authority, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and their claims for visibility, political basis and public recognition. The manifold associations between the Emperor and the cross are part of a vibrant discourse, which is both partisan and conquering in reclaiming a specific Christian authority; and whoever is able to manipulate the power of the cross gains prophetic qualities that also legitimize political participation. Thus, the capacity to act as a mediator builds upon competition between intermediaries or upon the appropriation of this capacity by legal means, but not upon conflict with the Imperial authority. In associating the Emperor and the cross in the texts, the authors describe interactions and networks of contacts. Rather than breathless and “standardized” processes, these networks reveal the multiple and polymorphic dynamics of political relationships in Late Antiquity.

No description available.

The book of Revelation is perhaps the least understood and most controversial text of the Christian Scriptures. Among the mainstream churches, Revelation has been put into the 'too-hard basket.' Among the more fundamentalist churches, it has been used to construct lurid timetables of the 'end-of-the-world.' The reading of Revelation through modern eyes has tended to sever the text's connections to its original first century audience. In particular, the modern understanding of heaven and earth, the modern conceptualization of time, and the modern demarcation between politics and religion produce interpretations of apocalyptic that are alien to the ideology and worldview of its original author and audience. In this thesis I interpret the book of Revelation as looking not to the end of world history, but as an unmasking of the world dominated by the Roman Empire. In other words, Revelation exposes the claims of empire as illusory, and envisions an alternative reality that claims to be revealed and authorized by God. While this understanding runs counter to the modern 'apocalyptic paradigm,' I believe it is in keeping with the 'total conception of reality' in antiquity.