Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 313-331).

Thesis--Harvard University, 1961. / Bibliography: p. [259]-272.

Thesis--Yale University. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [357]-361).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 200-210).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Logos Evangelical Seminary, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 365-377).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, School of Philosophy, Anthropolgy and Social Inquiry and The School of Culture and Communications Studies, 2009. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (p. [276]-292)

一九四九年中華人民共和國成立，社會結構發生巨變，知識分子群體的階層身份與話語體系首當其衝受到劇烈衝擊--階層身份的重塑與話語體系的重構，需要盡快完成，以實現與社會主義意識形態的對接，為新政權服務。在這種情境下，高校歐美派自由主義知識分子群體對高校院系調整政策的集體抵制，觸發了建國以來中國共產黨對知識分子的第一場大規模思想改造運動。在這場以「洗澡」命名的改造運動中，毛澤東建構的「新」話語通过「批評與自我批評」的運動方式灌輸给被改造者，最終實現了對高校知識分子精英「舊」話語的全面替代。本文採取政治傳播學與話語研究相結合的研究視角，將這場發生於1951-1952年的中國知識分子思想改造運動嵌入時代发展的政治文化坐標，通過對中國傳統知識分子、五四知識分子話語體系的系譜梳理、展現毛澤東建構下的「新-舊」知識話語間的話語創新、重合與對抗，並通過改造運動中這套「新」話語之於知識分子群體思想与話語的改造，展示出建國初期毛治下知識分子思想改造運動中的話語傳播手段與權力運用策略。本文認為，毛澤東通過「破舊」與「立新」兩大步驟，以「階級論」為核心、聯合「人民」與「革命」兩大強勢話語，對「知識」及「知識分子」重下定義，創造出一套「新」的「紅色」知識話語體系，成為毛治下整體性的、無所不包的意識形態解釋體系。具體到知識分子改造實踐中，該話語運用「階級」的概念將知識分子與底層民眾的權力地位反轉，並通過將「階級」與中國傳統文化中的道德相關聯，激發知識分子的「原罪感」，加之群眾運動中不斷激化的「污名化」、暴力語言和對毛「先知」話語的崇拜等話語現象，致使高校知識分子群體紛紛與過去的知識話語體系決裂。然而，毛建構的「紅色」話語體系，是建立在脫離社會實際的「表達性現實」基礎上的，儘管隨著毛澤東這一話語權威核心的消失，整套話語體系也隨之崩塌，但運動對於知識分子群體話語、思想與精神的衝擊，成為當時崇尚「獨立之思考、自由之精神」的知識分子精英群體所共同面臨的話語困境，也是當前中國知識分子依然直面的問題。Abstract When the People's Republic of China (PRC) was founded in 1949, social structure had changed dramatically and the class identity of intellectual groups was the first to be affected severely. The remodeling of class identity and reconstruction of discourse system of the intellectuals needed to be addressed as quickly as possible so as to serve the new regime. And the event that the elite liberal intellectuals in colleges and universities boycotted the adjustment on faculty policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had triggered the first large-scale ideological transforming movement after the foundation of PRC. `New' discourse mode constructed by Mao Tsetung was infused into transformers' minds being transformed in this movement, and finally the `red' revolutionary knowledge discourse had totally replaced the traditional knowledge discourse of intellectuals in colleges and universities. From the research perspectives of political communication and discourse analysis, this thesis places this Ideological Transforming Movement of Chinese Intellectuals during 1951 to 1952 into a political and cultural background of the era; manifests the innovation, overlapping and confrontation between the `new' discourse constructed by Mao Tsetung and the traditional discourse of the Chinese traditional intellectuals and the contemporary intellectuals coming into being from in the May 4th Movement; and analyses the application of `new' discourse in intellectual groups in the ideological transforming movement, reveals the discourse propagation tools and power exertion strategies in the ideological transforming movement in the new China under Mao's dominion. It is considered in this thesis that Mao took the `class' as a core discourse, populism and revolutionary narration as contents, redefined `knowledge' and `intellectual', and thus created a new set of `red' knowledge discourse and ideology system. In the intellectual ideological transforming movement, this new, systematic and coverall explanation system utilized `class' to convert the power status between elite intellectuals and people at the bottom of the society, as well as linked it with morality to stimulate the intellectuals' sense of `original sin'. Meanwhile, with the upgrading `stigmatization' and language violence as well as the idolization of `prophet language' of Mao Tsetung in the mass movement after 1949, the elite intellectuals finally discarded the previous knowledge discourse and embrace the `red' current discourse. However, the discourse system constructed by Mao based on the basis of `expressive reality' which broke away from social reality, therefore, as Mao Tsetung, the authority core of the discourse system, disappeared, the overall discourse system constructed by him also collapsed. Nevertheless, the ideological reforming movement in the 1950s exposed a discourse predicament that intellectual elites who advocated `independent thinking and spirit freedom' were jointly facing, which also persists with the Chinese intellectuals nowadays.

O intelectual Thomáz Antônio Gonzaga é aqui tema de uma pesquisa aprofundada, mais ainda no que diz respeito às suas concepções políticas filosóficas e às suas atitudes enquanto vassalo da coroa portuguesa, num esforço de reconstruí-lo para a historiografia, já que, a principio, foi enxergado como um revolucionário nacionalista e como um dos maiores adeptos das ideias ilustradas da América portuguesa. Com um olhar mais apurado em seus escritos, principalmente se estes forem analisados dentro de suas respectivas conjunturas e, por outro lado, sem deixar de se considerar um desenvolvimento intelectual e acadêmico linear, é possível conhecer as bases teóricas utilizadas pelo poeta, bases estas adquiridas durante a sua vida. Tanto da época e que foi aluno em Coimbra (e até mesmo antes, estudou com os jesuítas me Salvador), quanto de suas atuações como ouvidor em Vila Rica. Thomáz Antônio Gonzaga e sua filosofia, portanto, vêm representar justamente a presença de concepções que foram de encontro às ideias revolucionárias, demonstrando o quanto fora hibrido esta época de transformações. Como homem de letras e que obtém sua formação acadêmica em Coimbra para exercer depois cargos oficiais em nome da coroa, é, a principio, representativo de um grupo que envolveu-se com a filosofia iluminista para promover um levante em Minas Gerais. Porém, aprofundando a pesquisa em seus escritos filosóficos, principalmente no que aborda em seu Tratado de Direito Natural, identifica-se um intelectual que possuía uma base teórica muito especifica que pouco tinha haver com a filosofia revolucionária. / The intellectual Thomáz Antonio Gonzaga is here the subject of in-depth research, more so with regard to their philosophical and political views to their attitudes as vassal of the Portuguese crown in an effort to rebuild it to historiography, since, in principle, was enxergado as a nationalist revolutionary and one of the biggest supporters of the illustrated ideas of Portuguese America. With a closer look at his writings, especially if they are analyzed within their respective contexts, and on the other hand, while considering a linear intellectual and academic development, it is possible to know the theoretical bases used by the poet, these bases acquired during its life. Both the time and who was a student in Coimbra (and even before, he studied with the Jesuits me Salvador), as their performances as ombudsman in Villa Rica. Thomáz Antonio Gonzaga and his philosophy thus come precisely represent the presence of concepts that were against revolutionary ideas, demonstrating how hybrid out this time of change. As man of letters and obtained his education in Coimbra to exercise after official positions on behalf of the Crown, is, at first, representative of a group that was involved with the Enlightenment philosophy to promote an uprising in Minas Gerais. However, deepening the research in his philosophical writings, especially when it deals with in his Treatise of Natural Law, identifies an intellectual who had a very specific theoretical base that had little to do with the revolutionary philosophy.

The objective of this thesis is to examine the issue of identity construction among Vietnamese intellectuals in North America. How is the way in which they construct their identity connected to their position(s) on the Vietnam War, anti-communist community discourse, and memory/commemoration, especially with respect to the contentious debate about which flag represents Vietnam today? Vietnamese Diaspora Intellectuals (VDI) are an understudied group, and I hope my research will help to fill this gap, at least in part, and also serve as a catalyst for further investigation. In my attempt to address this neglected area of study, I am bringing together two bodies of literature: diaspora studies and literature on identity formation among intellectuals. The intersection between these two areas of scholarship has received relatively little attention in the past, and it deserves further consideration, because intellectuals are so often in a position to serve as carriers and disseminators of new ideas, as well as facilitators in conflict resolution. Using a qualitative approach to my data collection, I conducted life history narrative interviews with 32 respondents in Canada and the U.S, as well as some participant observation research of community events. The majority of my interviewees were academics, but some were also journalists/writers, as well as community activists/representatives. A key element of diaspora research, as Cohen and Watts have argued, involves an examination of the “victim narrative”. My project considers the victim narrative in the context of the Vietnamese experience and evaluates the usefulness of such a narrative in terms of community politics and identity formation. My interviewees were often skeptical about the utility of such a narrative, and in some cases, viewed it as a thinly veiled mechanism of control, which serves the interests of community leaders, but may in fact, hinder the progress of the Vietnamese diaspora population. They contemplated some possibilities for transcending such a narrative, which could involve the creation of “free spaces”, permitting the expression of other points of view. As we will see, my interviewees reflected on the irony inherent in this situation. Many Vietnamese risked their lives in pursuit of the democratic ideal of freedom, but some of my participants discovered that the attempt to impose an overarching narrative – the rejection of communism – in fact led to the very antithesis of that ideal. In this connection, my research complicates Cohen’s work on diaspora, which assumes that all diasporic communities speak with one voice with regard to defining moments in their history. Cohen argues that members of such groups, by definition, shared a common past, an agreed-upon way of commemorating that past, and a common destiny. I argue that Cohen has oversimplified the situation. My research demonstrates that there is no such thing as unanimity. Vietnamese diaspora intellectuals do not simply navigate academic “interaction ritual chains” as Randall Collins has asserted, they must navigate several - often competing interaction rituals - which extend to their roles as members of their ethnic community as well. How do my interviewees deal with the inevitable conflicts and tensions engendered by such competing interaction rituals? Finally, what are the possibilities of moving forward, of generating a new narrative, which will transcend the rigid and restrictive anticommunist discourse dominant in community politics thus far? And what role can Vietnamese diaspora intellectuals play in this regard? My research indicates that they are uniquely qualified to facilitate the process of rapprochement, because the life of intellectuals demands a high degree of reflexivity and thus better enables them to evaluate the merits of conflicting viewpoints. My hope is to inspire future research – not only in the Vietnamese community, but on and for other diasporic groups as well. My work extends Neil Gross’ theory of the “intellectual self-concept” (ISC) (which focuses on American academics) by introducing the notion of the diaspora intellectual self-concept (DISC). Such concept allows us to include analysis of intellectuals with significant transnational connections who are dealing with racial and ethnic tensions in their new homeland while establishing themselves as professionals and citizens in a new cultural and political context. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)