王帮清. / "2008年8月". / "2008 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wang Bangqing. / 關鍵詞與摘要 / Abstract and Key words / Chapter 第一章、 --- 序言 / Chapter 第一節， --- 問題與學術史 / Chapter 第二節， --- “懷遠人´ح生活的時空地理環境 / Chapter 第三節， --- 材料與方法 / Chapter 第四節， --- 論文內容 / Chapter 第二章、 --- 建立“懷遠都´ح：對地權的爭奪 / Chapter 第一節、 --- 移民的湧入 / Chapter 第二節、 --- 入籍建都，爭奪地權 / Chapter 第三章、 --- 建立文季：只爲賓興？ / Chapter 第一節， --- 懷遠都各圖甲所屬之文季 / Chapter 第二節， --- 四都二圖所屬之文昌宮：互助還是高利貸？ / Chapter 第四章、 --- 梯雲書院：懷遠人的聯合控產機構 / Chapter 第一節， --- 梯雲書院的建立 / Chapter 第二節， --- 梯雲書院的財產控制 / Chapter 第五章、 --- 全善局和華國堂：不止是爲漕糧 / Chapter 第一節， --- 咸豐三年之前的漕糧糾紛 / Chapter 第二節， --- 全善局與華國堂 / Chapter 第六章、 --- 結論：社會轉變下的身份建構 / 參考書目

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a constituição de propostas de pesquisas e de narrativas políticas sobre a questão racial no Brasil nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e, eventualmente, nuançar a emergência nesse debate de uma problemática que se chamará de multicultural. Esta investigação tem convergido, mais especificamente, para a atuação da Fundação Ford nestas décadas, bem como para a observação das redes e conexões intelectuais que se teceram a partir das dinâmicas de enfrentamentos políticos, travados durante a Guerra Fria. O foco da análise e da pesquisa tem sido dirigido para a documentação sobre a Fundação Ford, sobre as políticas governamentais norte-americanas, especialmente as secretas e diplomáticas, e para os materiais relativos à movimentação, e à construção de conexões entre intelectuais, iniciadas na década de 1950 com financiamentos a estudos da questão racial e do Problema Negro. / My research builds on the hypothesis that U.S. agencies, such as the Ford Foundation restructured in 1950 to adhere to new international guidelines in the post-war era -, drew up an agenda for investing in the racial issue, directed at intellectuals and academics from several parts of the world. Brazil was one of the regions of the globe covered by this strategy. The general aim of this work is to understand the web of networks and intellectual connections, initiated in the 1950s, and the roles and responsibilities of the Ford Foundation in the 1950s and 1960s in developing these intellectual dynamics. Racism has been an important reason for many geopolitical disputes in the post-war period, and a key question for the black American population, concerning the administration of their social problems. That question has been approached both by private foundations and government bodies but each organization has sought to influence discussion forums with their own agendas. The financial support of the Ford Foundation to intellectuals, universities, area studies, social and political leaders, as well as to national and international organizations, has helped to direct the discussion about race in other directions.

O tema do presente trabalho de pesquisa se refere à crítica de cultura da América Latina e ao conceito de periferia à luz das obras Jorge Luis Borges, um escritor na periferia, de Beatriz Sarlo; e Um mestre na periferia do capitalismo, de Roberto Schwarz. O problema da pesquisa consiste em verificar se o uso do conceito de periferia por Sarlo e Schwarz não se torna uma abordagem generalista para pensar a crítica de cultura latino-americana na exata medida em que sinaliza os escritores Jorge Luis Borges e Machado de Assis como exceção ao lugar-comum periférico. A hipótese de pesquisa que norteia este trabalho é: apesar de Beatriz Sarlo e Roberto Schwarz investigarem escritores diferentes (e de épocas distintas), é o conceito de periferia que dá novo significado às obras de Jorge Luis Borges e de Machado de Assis, forjando, assim, um novo pressuposto para a crítica de cultura no Brasil e na Argentina. Como consequência dessa leitura, estaria concebida uma proposta para a crítica de cultura da América Latina como território periférico por excelência: de um lado, hostil para os princípios do liberalismo; de outro, complexo para a acomodação da estética do modernismo. Nesse sentido, o objetivo da pesquisa foi avaliar como a leitura das obras de Jorge Luis Borges e de Machado de Assis, quando entendidas a partir da dinâmica centro-periferia, tem sido utilizada não somente para reafirmar essa posição subalterna da América Latina no âmbito da crítica de cultura, mas também para apontar Jorge Luis Borges e Machado de Assis como contrapontos dessa condição periférica exatamente porque eles conseguiram reagir a essa conjuntura assim como se pretendeu observar a trajetória intelectual de Sarlo e Schwarz como autores que desempenham um papel fundamental na crítica de cultura da América Latina. Como aporte metodológico, foi adotada a pesquisa bibliográfica interdisciplinar, buscando investigar, assim, não apenas o conceito de periferia, como também o papel dos intelectuais à luz de literatura especializada. Beatriz Sarlo e Roberto Schwarz são autores cuja influência ultrapassa a dinâmica dos estudos literários, haja vista que suas análises ocupam espaços importantes no contexto do debate político e no âmbito das vanguardas estéticas. / The main theme of this work refers to the critique of Latin American culture and to the concept of periphery in the light of works Jorge Luis Borges, a writer on the Edge, by Beatriz Sarlo, and A master on the periphery of capitalism: Machado de Assis, by Roberto Schwarz. The problem of the research consists in verifying if the use of the concept of periphery by Sarlo and Schwarz does not become a generalist approach to think the critique of Latin American culture to the exact extent that it signals writers Jorge Luis Borges and Machado de Assis as an exception to the peripheral common place. The hypothesis of research that guides this work is: although Beatriz Sarlo and Roberto Schwarz investigate different writers (and from different times), it is the concept of periphery that gives new meaning to the works of Jorge Luis Borges and Machado de Assis. Thus, a new assumption for the culture critique in Brazil and Argentina is organized. As a consequence of this reading, a proposal would be conceived for the critique of Latin American culture as peripheral territory par excellence: on the one hand, hostile to the principles of liberalism, on the other, too complex for the accommodation of the aesthetics of modernism. In this sense, the main purpose of this research was to evaluate how the reading of the works of Jorge Luis Borges and Machado de Assis, when understood from the center-periphery dynamics, has been used not only to reaffirm this subaltern position of Latin America in the cultural criticism, but also to point out Jorge Luis Borges and Machado de Assis as counterpoints to this peripheral condition - precisely because they have managed to react to this status quo - just as it was intended to observe the intellectual trajectory of Sarlo and Schwarz as authors who play a fundamental role in critical thinking of Latin American culture. As a methodological contribution, the interdisciplinary bibliographical research was adopted, seeking to investigate, not only the concept of the periphery, but also the role of the intellectuals in the light of specialized literature. Beatriz Sarlo and Roberto Schwarz are authors whose influence goes beyond the dynamics of literary studies, given that their analyzes occupy important spaces in the context of political debate and within the framework of aesthetic vanguards.

This thesis attempts to examine the relationship between liberal intellectuals and the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) in Turkish politics. The Justice and Development Party was elected to power in the 2002 general elections, and has been continually in power since. The rise of the AKP was interpreted as a real historical break in Turkish politics since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, and sparked the emergence of new public discussions and academic debates on the significance of the party to Turkish politics. The rise and rule of the AKP was also prepared by the formation of a group of intellectuals who classified themselves as liberals or democrats, those focused on in this study comprising mainly columnists in Turkish newspapers. This intellectual stratum showed an exceptional sympathy and support towards the AKP, especially between the years 2002-2011, which also corresponded to the establishment of hegemony of the AKP in Turkish politics and the AKP&#039 / s furthering of neo-liberalization. This study analyzes the nature and multiple dimensions of the relationship between liberal intellectuals and the AKP in Turkish politics and within the larger context of neo-liberalism. The study employs concepts of hegemony and passive revolution and intellectuals developed by Antonio Gramsci, as a theoretical framework, and argues that this intellectual stratum provided the AKP with an ideological leadership during the establishment of the hegemony of the party in Turkish politics and contributed to the perpetuation of neo-liberalism in Turkey by the agency of the AKP.

This research aims to examine the role of Chinese intellectuals in policymaking through the case of Labor Contract Law. Chinese intellectuals have played an important role in shaping of the post-Mao China. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership have always benefited from their expertise in formulation and development of the reform policies. Also, the fact that the CCP still need intellectuals&rsquo / support for ideological justification for its policies contributes to importance of intellectuals. In addition, intellectuals have affected the policy agenda-setting of the CCP leadership through their effects on the Chinese public opinion which has increasingly become influential since the 1990s. Furthermore, intellectual debates could function as a substitute for party politics in China&rsquo / s one-party system. These all jointly enhance the role of intellectuals in Chinese politics and make it a crucial subject to study. The case of this research, namely the Labor Contract Law, is selected not only for it received a high level of public attention, but also for it is closely related with one of the central matters of contemporary Chinese politics, i.e. economic development path and social justice. This inquiry into the making of the Labor Contract Law lead the author to emphasize that tension and animosity between liberal intellectuals and the authoritarian state, on which the existing literature largely focuses, is just one aspect of the intellectual politics in China. In the context of re-configuration of power and wealth due to the marketization, intellectuals&rsquo / position in the society has dramatically changed and patterns of the Party-intellectual relation have diversified. Thus, it is argued in this research that by taking into account the emergent market with its ideological effects and as an institutional force that is linked to intellectuals through ties with the new economic elite inside or outside the Party, parameters of intellectuals politics in China can be more accurately understood.

This thesis analyzes the transformation of Islamism from an anti-systemic and oppositional force to a compliant and submissive political ideology. The thesis locates the approach towards established political and economic relations at its centre. The thesis argues that the transformation, which led to formation of the Justice and Development Party, has begun in the late 1980s and early 1990s. To give the contours of this transformation, the thesis presents a detailed analysis of anti-systemic and systemic phases of Islamism in Turkey. The thesis tries to demonstrate this transformation through focusing on the major debates within the Islamist intellectual circles. The study suggests thinking the transformation of Islamism together with themes such as neoliberal globalization, postmodernism and multiculturalism. The thesis points out that, Islamism of the 1970s and 1980s, which can be considered as a form of Third Worldist populism has been gradually transformed into an ordinary, conservative ideology.

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Our public culture is rapidly shrinking: our nation is replete with residents instead of citizens. Part of the blame for the impoverishment of public life is the retreat and subsequent almost total isolation of intellectuals, those who put their deep training and experience to work in sociopolitical contexts in a public vernacular. The failure of most traditional intellectuals to reach a public audience is a failure of rhetoric; public intellectuals, on the other hand, mark rhetorical success in connecting the worlds of the public and the intellectual to advance change. This dissertation explores the interconnections between public intellectuals, rhetorical style and the public sphere to understand how and why public intellectuals are able to do what they do such that we may be able to encourage this work from others. Most importantly, this intersection may help explain how we can reclaim an active, democratic public sphere in the United States.

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