The thesis examines the role that Australian graphic satirists play in the theatre of public life. The main focus of the thesis is on newspaper cartoonists but for the purposes of comparative analysis, there is a discussion of a representative selection of satiric texts across different media (essentially, television and radio) since the mid-1960s, and also an historical survey of the development of graphic satire from its origins during the Protestant Reformation in Europe. Apart from a small number of references, this study does not venture into the vast field of on-line satire, a topic more properly addressed in a separate scholarly investigation. Graphic satire in the medium of the newspaper is of particular interest because of its consistent production and wide circulation, its relative freedom from censorship and libel laws, and the ability of the cartoon image to condense and concentrate issues which would be too complex or defamatory in print or on television. Political cartooning as it is understood today emerged during the early nineteenth century, at about the same time as the modern newspaper and the profession of journalism, but graphic satire also has links with a venerable tradition of the artist as social critic and has historically been associated with movements for social justice and democracy. It is in the context of these latter associations that I consider political cartoonists as belonging to the sphere of the public intellectual. The discussion of cartoonists as public intellectuals is framed against a discourse of decline that has been circulating for more than a decade, acquiring an urgency in this country during the later years of the Howard administration. This declinist narrative covers a number of areas of cultural and political life and is not confined to the Australian context; as British writer Helen Small points out, it is “an increasingly transnational conversation” (02:1). Briefly outlined, there is a perception that the terms of public debate have narrowed; that citizens have become disengaged from the democratic process; that between the ‘celebrity intellectual’ and the tenured academic, the life of the mind is not what it used to be, and even political satire itself has been seen by some commentators as being in terminal decline. The different arguments about cultural and social decline can be placed under the more encompassing subject heading of an ongoing debate about democracy and in particular, whether it is functioning as well as it should. With the adoption of neo-liberalism as an overarching political ideology by most western governments in the early 1980s, anxieties about whether the principles of democracy were gradually being usurped or even eroded by the primacy of market values have gathered momentum during the past two decades. The volume of these concerns has been amplified in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, with the state’s increased emphasis on security and control of its citizens being interpreted as threats to some of the basic tenets of the democratic system, such as free speech and the rule of law. In contrast to the various narratives of decline, my thesis proposes that democracy is still very well served by the kind of vigorous and long-standing practice of dissent that the public intellectual represents, and more specifically, the embodiment of this tradition in contemporary newspaper cartoonists. By definition, graphic satire questions and challenges the status quo and at least since Hogarth in the eighteenth century, it has always been a public art-form. Hogarth’s personal involvement in many of the social issues and philanthropic schemes of his day (such as anti-gin legislation and state care for orphans) also exemplifies an important aspect of the extra-professional work of graphic satirists which further links them to the public intellectual. A commitment to social activism and making use of the different platforms available (for example, public speaking and donating work to charities) in order to support, publicise or promote issues of social justice began with Hogarth and continues with contemporary Australian cartoonists.

The thesis examines the role that Australian graphic satirists play in the theatre of public life. The main focus of the thesis is on newspaper cartoonists but for the purposes of comparative analysis, there is a discussion of a representative selection of satiric texts across different media (essentially, television and radio) since the mid-1960s, and also an historical survey of the development of graphic satire from its origins during the Protestant Reformation in Europe. Apart from a small number of references, this study does not venture into the vast field of on-line satire, a topic more properly addressed in a separate scholarly investigation. Graphic satire in the medium of the newspaper is of particular interest because of its consistent production and wide circulation, its relative freedom from censorship and libel laws, and the ability of the cartoon image to condense and concentrate issues which would be too complex or defamatory in print or on television. Political cartooning as it is understood today emerged during the early nineteenth century, at about the same time as the modern newspaper and the profession of journalism, but graphic satire also has links with a venerable tradition of the artist as social critic and has historically been associated with movements for social justice and democracy. It is in the context of these latter associations that I consider political cartoonists as belonging to the sphere of the public intellectual. The discussion of cartoonists as public intellectuals is framed against a discourse of decline that has been circulating for more than a decade, acquiring an urgency in this country during the later years of the Howard administration. This declinist narrative covers a number of areas of cultural and political life and is not confined to the Australian context; as British writer Helen Small points out, it is “an increasingly transnational conversation” (02:1). Briefly outlined, there is a perception that the terms of public debate have narrowed; that citizens have become disengaged from the democratic process; that between the ‘celebrity intellectual’ and the tenured academic, the life of the mind is not what it used to be, and even political satire itself has been seen by some commentators as being in terminal decline. The different arguments about cultural and social decline can be placed under the more encompassing subject heading of an ongoing debate about democracy and in particular, whether it is functioning as well as it should. With the adoption of neo-liberalism as an overarching political ideology by most western governments in the early 1980s, anxieties about whether the principles of democracy were gradually being usurped or even eroded by the primacy of market values have gathered momentum during the past two decades. The volume of these concerns has been amplified in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, with the state’s increased emphasis on security and control of its citizens being interpreted as threats to some of the basic tenets of the democratic system, such as free speech and the rule of law. In contrast to the various narratives of decline, my thesis proposes that democracy is still very well served by the kind of vigorous and long-standing practice of dissent that the public intellectual represents, and more specifically, the embodiment of this tradition in contemporary newspaper cartoonists. By definition, graphic satire questions and challenges the status quo and at least since Hogarth in the eighteenth century, it has always been a public art-form. Hogarth’s personal involvement in many of the social issues and philanthropic schemes of his day (such as anti-gin legislation and state care for orphans) also exemplifies an important aspect of the extra-professional work of graphic satirists which further links them to the public intellectual. A commitment to social activism and making use of the different platforms available (for example, public speaking and donating work to charities) in order to support, publicise or promote issues of social justice began with Hogarth and continues with contemporary Australian cartoonists.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 296-316).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 379-411).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [494]-517).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 271-292).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 271-292).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Saint Louis University, 1984. / Includes vita and abstract. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-144).

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho parte da análise de entrevistas, artigos e demais textos de autoria de Glauber de Andrade Rocha entre os anos de 1959 e 1979, para entender a trajetória de desenvolvimento do cinema brasileiro e suas relações com a política e economia nacionais. Glauber Rocha, cineasta e um dos principais membros do Cinema Novo brasileiro, se tornou internacionalmente conhecido por sua cinegrafia marcada pela crítica social e por seus fins político-didáticos. Sua atuação como crítico de cinema e sua participação nos debates em torno das políticas públicas de fomento à indústria cinematográfica no Brasil lhe renderiam o título de líder do movimento cinemanovista e o afirmariam, ao longo dos anos sessenta e setenta, como um dos artistas-intelectuais de maior expressão política do país. / This study part of the analysis of interviews, articles and other texts written by Glauber de Andrade Rocha between 1959 and 1979, to understand the development trajectory of the Brazilian cinema and its relations with the national politics and economics.Glauber Rocha, filmmaker and one of the main members of the Brazilian Cinema Novo, became internationally known for his cinematography marked by social criticism and its didactic political purposes. His performance as film critic and his participation in debates on public policies to promote the film industry in Brazil, especially him the title 'leader' of the Cinema Novo and the set throughout the sixties and seventies, as one of the artists-intellectuals of the country's largest political expression.

Orientador: Helio Rebello Cardoso Junior / Banca: Maria Teresa Santos Cunha / Banca: Tânia Regina de Luca / Resumo: O principal objetivo desta pesquisa é tentar compreender algumas das motivações que, na metade do século passado, ainda orientavam as atividades de muitos grupos de intelectuais no interior do país. Assim, através da análise de um rico acervo epistolar acumulado entre 1948 e 1959 pelo Centro Cultural Euclides da Cunha, de Ponta Grossa (PR), o presente estudo procura desvendar a empolgação característica que cercava as atividades do grupo intelectual ali reunido. Ao se examinar hoje os indícios e vestígios encontrados nessa documentação, é possível perceber, por exemplo, a existência de um apego muito grande às lides científicoliterárias e ao trabalho intelectual diletante. Na mais remota das hipóteses e sem a menor dúvida, tais motivos devem ter ocupado tempo e espaço consideráveis nas vidas destas pessoas, devem ter mobilizado suas existências e, desse modo, forjado em grande parte suas identidades. Em última análise, estas questões devem ter tido um significado que agora irremediavelmente nos escapa. Tendo isso em vista, a proposta deste trabalho é tentar reconstruir este significado nos pormenores de suas dimensões social, conceitual e subjetiva, lançando mão para tanto de alguns conceitos e apontamentos enfeixados pela história cultural / Abstract: The aim of this research is to understand some reasons which have guided the activities of many intellectuals groups in Brazil's half of twentieth century. Then, through analysis of the epistolary rich collection amassed between 1948-1959 by the Centro Cultural Euclides da Cunha, of Ponta Grossa, Paraná, Brazil, this study tries to uncover the great excitement that surrounded the activities of the intellectual group gathered there. By examining these documents it is possible to realize the existence of a very large devotion to scientific, literary and intellectual works. Undoubtedly, those reasons must have occupied considerable time and space in the lives of these people, should have mobilized their existence and thus largely forged their identities. Keeping this in view, the purpose of this work is to try to reconstruct this meaning in its social, conceptual and subjective details, using for that some cultural history methodological guidelines / Mestre