Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 297-328).

East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.

Bibliography: leaves 173-198. / xii, 198 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / A theoretical and empirical study of the roles of foreign aid, trade and investment for East Timor's economic reconstruction and development after the 1999 crisis. This study finds that openness to international trade and investment helps channel new ideas and improves terms of trade, and is crucial for East Timor's sustained development path. It is also shown that fostering democratic institutions and facilitating private sector entrepreneurship all reinforce each other. Well developed regional and multilateral trading arrangements have the potential to contribute positively to the process. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Adelaide University, Dept. of Economics, 2001

Thesis (M.A.)--Monash University, 1978. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 222-236).

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências da Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, Florianópolis, 2015. / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-19T12:53:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 338851.pdf: 832569 bytes, checksum: 2dbfd52e933d1bd8336c56a8f4f61674 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / O presente estudo tem como objetivo geral investigar o papel do Instituto Nacional de Formação de Docentes e Profissionais da Educação (INFORDEPE), traçando um histórico deste órgão e a sua importância para a educação do Timor-Leste, bem como compreender os encaminhamentos dados por este instituto para a formação continuada dos professores deste país. Como objetivos específicos, buscou-se estudar os documentos relativos à criação e desenvolvimento do instituto; identificar como o processo de gestão na formação continuada ocorre em Timor-Leste; entrevistar os gestores do INFORDEPE, buscando compreender a história do desenvolvimento e o papel político do instituto para a formação continuada de professores no país. Para isso, entrevistou-se os dirigentes responsáveis pelo Instituto Nacional de Formação Profissional e Contínua (INFPC), 2002 a 2011, e do INFORDEPE, 2011 a 2014, e também o coordenador da divisão do gabinete da formação profissional e contínua nos anos de 2013 e 2014. Verificou-se neste estudo que, no período pós-independência, várias frentes foram realizadas para contribuir com a formação dos professores e a criação de dois institutos foi importante para isso: o Instituto Nacional de Formação Profissional e Contínua (INFPC) e o INFORDEPE. Pela voz dos dirigentes fica clara a contribuição das cooperações internacionais, em particular Brasil e Portugal. Sobre as dificuldades da formação continuada dois pontos ficam evidenciados: a falta ainda de formação inicial dos professores e a dificuldade do ensino em língua portuguesa.<br> / Abstract : The general aim of the present study is to investigate the educational and political role of the National Institute for Training of Teachers and Education Professionals (INFORDEPE) by providing a background on this institution and its importance for Education in East Timor, as well as to comprehend the implementations given by the institute to the continuing education of teachers from that country. The specific aims of this research are: to study the documents related to the creation and development of the institute; to identify how the management process in the continuing education occurs in East Timor; and, to interview the managers of INFORDEPE in an attempt to understand the history of development of the institution as well as its political role to the continuing education of teachers in the country. The leaders responsible for the National Institute for the Development of Continuous Vocational Training (INFPC) from 2002 to 2011, the ones responsible for INFORDEPE from 2011 to 2014, and the Coordinator of the Office of Continuous Vocational Training in the years 2013 and 2014 were interviewed. This study points out that in the post-independence period, several measures were implemented to contribute to the teacher training. The creation of two institutions were important for that implementation: the National Institute for the Development of Continuous Vocational Training (INFPC) and INFORDEPE. The interview with the managers evinces the contribution of international cooperation, particularly by Brazil and Portugal. In terms of the difficulties faced by the continuing education, two points are highlighted: the lack of initial teacher education, and the difficulty of teaching in the Portuguese language.

A presente pesquisa tem como escopo reunir e comentar a Literatura de Timor-Leste em língua portuguesa, tendo como base seus principais representantes. Das lendas às narrativas de viagem, da poesia dos escritores politicamente engajados aos romances escritos na diáspora, o presente estudo procura identificar as principais questões que estiveram no horizonte dos timorenses em diferentes momentos de sua história, assim como delinear a imagem que o conjunto desses textos acabou por produzir de Timor na contemporaneidade. / This research has the objective to gather and review the literature of Timor-Leste in Portuguese, based on its main representatives. The legends to travel narratives, poetry politically engaged writers of the novels written in the diaspora, this study seeks to identify the key issues that were on the horizon of the East Timorese at different times in its history, as well as outline the image that all these texts eventually produced the Timor nowadays.

Timor situa-se na Insulíndia, periferia do grande Arquipélago Malaio, ao norte da Austrália. O solo é montanhoso e bastante compartimentado, originando uma diversidade climática com repercussões sobre a fauna e a flora do território, e contribuindo para a formação de grupos etnolinguísticos na população que, desde o Paleolítico, o habitou. De igual modo, a organização política administrativa da sociedade timorense mais antiga reflectia essa dispersão, apesar da similitude da estrutura e do funcionamento dos reinos em que se agrupava. Aos elementos proto-malaios e à cultura austronésia predominantes, foram juntar-se, ao longo do tempo, outros grupos étnicos e várias influências próximas ou maisa longínquas, das quais se destaca, sobretudo na parte oriental da ilha de Timor, a exercida pelos portugueses. A presença portuguesa iniciada nos princípios do século XVI, esteve sempre condicionada por uma subalternidade do território que, em períodos sucessivos, se revestiu de aspectos diferentes. Logo no século seguinte, a perda de Malaca(1641) distanciou mais o arquipélago de Timor de um grande centro. Desde então,a distância, a carência de comunicações e a forte implantação holandesa na região, tornaram muito precária a sua manutenção, pelo menos até à segunda metade do séc. XIX. A dependência de Goa e Macau, entre os séculos XVIII e os finais do séc. XIX, evidenciam uma política essencialmente administrativa para a conservação da colónia, explorando sobretudo os seus recursos naturais de que o sândalo é o melhor exemplo. Por seu lado, as estruturas tradicionais indígenas mantinham-se praticamente intocáveis, possibilitando uma coexistência de tipo senhorial, que não se coadunava com as novas orientações de política colonial definidas na Conferência de Berlim.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 297-306).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Western Sydney, 2002. / A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, October 2002, Centre for Cultural Research, University of Western Sydney. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 281-291).