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This dissertation examines how social inequalities are reinforced over time and in place by addressing a central question: How are power relations maintained and reproduced in space? I outline ways in which social networks contributed to the reproduction of social and economic power in early twentieth-century Toronto. I also pay particular attention to the ways in which particular spaces acted as a nexus for the reproduction of power and unequal social relations. My research captures the dynamism and complexity of social capital networks that stretched across space. These networks demonstrate that Toronto’s Anglo elite and Italian entrepreneurs lived in a world where persons interacted over a number of regions and scales. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in social capital, network and social boundary research. Although this dissertation is largely concerned with early twentieth-century Toronto class and power relations, the results have implications beyond this case study. This research makes a significant contribution to historical geography by providing scholars interested in contemporary power relations and social networks with an empirically rich historical perspective. This study extends previous examinations of social inequality by examining how power relations were reproduced over time and through space. I analyze how social capital can be conceptualized as set of processes that is 1) integral to the acquisition of economic capital, 2) significant in constraining the action of others by redrawing the social boundaries of class and ethnicity, and 3) critical for the building of alliances across space. This research offers a complementary method to the inequality studies of David Ward, Joe Darden, Nan Lin, Richard Harris, James Barrett, and David Harvey by historically situating questions about the reproduction of social inequality through the examination of social networks.

Along the Toronto shoreline, small coastal embayments (0.4 – 32 ha) are being constructed or modified to restore warmwater fish habitat. I describe how Lake Ontario (hereafter the Lake) alters the thermal regime of these small coastal embayments, how the altered thermal regimes affect growth and survival of age-0 warmwater fishes, and how the thermal habitat quality for such fishes can be improved by altering embayment design. During the warming period of the ice-free season, embayments warm faster than the Lake and so are cooled by exchanges with the Lake. Later in the year Lake exchange warms the rapidly cooling embayments, but the net effect of Lake-embayment exchange is cooling. The degree of cooling in Toronto’s small coastal embayments varies; many have temperatures near that of the Lake, and a few warm as much as local ponds. Age-0 pumpkinseed (Lepomis gibbosus) can fail to reach sufficient size to survive the winter in cooler embayments because their spawning is delayed and their growth is slowed. Most embayments along the Toronto shoreline are too cold to produce age-0 fish that can survive the winter, but all embayments are occupied by age >1 pumpkinseed, suggesting movement from warmer to cooler embayments. Using otolith microchemistry to identify natal embayments of fish, I confirm that age-0 and age-1 pumpkinseed, as well as age-0 largemouth bass (Micropterus salmoides) and age-0 yellow perch (Perca flavescens), exist in metapopulations. Embayment bathymetry is a poor predictor of temperature because almost all embayment flushing rates are very fast, usually 1-2 days. Warmer embayments are located in protected areas of Lake Ontario and receive waters that have already heated substantially. Cold embayments are located along the exposed shoreline of Lake Ontario. To protect embayments from cold lake waters, the cross-sectional area of embayment channels need to be reduced to 1-10% of their current size.

Along the Toronto shoreline, small coastal embayments (0.4 – 32 ha) are being constructed or modified to restore warmwater fish habitat. I describe how Lake Ontario (hereafter the Lake) alters the thermal regime of these small coastal embayments, how the altered thermal regimes affect growth and survival of age-0 warmwater fishes, and how the thermal habitat quality for such fishes can be improved by altering embayment design. During the warming period of the ice-free season, embayments warm faster than the Lake and so are cooled by exchanges with the Lake. Later in the year Lake exchange warms the rapidly cooling embayments, but the net effect of Lake-embayment exchange is cooling. The degree of cooling in Toronto’s small coastal embayments varies; many have temperatures near that of the Lake, and a few warm as much as local ponds. Age-0 pumpkinseed (Lepomis gibbosus) can fail to reach sufficient size to survive the winter in cooler embayments because their spawning is delayed and their growth is slowed. Most embayments along the Toronto shoreline are too cold to produce age-0 fish that can survive the winter, but all embayments are occupied by age >1 pumpkinseed, suggesting movement from warmer to cooler embayments. Using otolith microchemistry to identify natal embayments of fish, I confirm that age-0 and age-1 pumpkinseed, as well as age-0 largemouth bass (Micropterus salmoides) and age-0 yellow perch (Perca flavescens), exist in metapopulations. Embayment bathymetry is a poor predictor of temperature because almost all embayment flushing rates are very fast, usually 1-2 days. Warmer embayments are located in protected areas of Lake Ontario and receive waters that have already heated substantially. Cold embayments are located along the exposed shoreline of Lake Ontario. To protect embayments from cold lake waters, the cross-sectional area of embayment channels need to be reduced to 1-10% of their current size.

This dissertation examines how social inequalities are reinforced over time and in place by addressing a central question: How are power relations maintained and reproduced in space? I outline ways in which social networks contributed to the reproduction of social and economic power in early twentieth-century Toronto. I also pay particular attention to the ways in which particular spaces acted as a nexus for the reproduction of power and unequal social relations. My research captures the dynamism and complexity of social capital networks that stretched across space. These networks demonstrate that Toronto’s Anglo elite and Italian entrepreneurs lived in a world where persons interacted over a number of regions and scales. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in social capital, network and social boundary research. Although this dissertation is largely concerned with early twentieth-century Toronto class and power relations, the results have implications beyond this case study. This research makes a significant contribution to historical geography by providing scholars interested in contemporary power relations and social networks with an empirically rich historical perspective. This study extends previous examinations of social inequality by examining how power relations were reproduced over time and through space. I analyze how social capital can be conceptualized as set of processes that is 1) integral to the acquisition of economic capital, 2) significant in constraining the action of others by redrawing the social boundaries of class and ethnicity, and 3) critical for the building of alliances across space. This research offers a complementary method to the inequality studies of David Ward, Joe Darden, Nan Lin, Richard Harris, James Barrett, and David Harvey by historically situating questions about the reproduction of social inequality through the examination of social networks.

L'objectif de ma recherche était de comparer l'intégration et l'adaptation des Iraniens du Québec et ceux qui ont choisi de s'établir en Ontario, précisément à Toronto. Une analyse des causes et des conditions d'immigration de cette diaspora nous a permis d'abord d'éclairer le choix d'immigrer. Puis la comparaison a été établie à partir de données recueillies selon deux techniques: des questionnaires fermés remplis par une centaine d'Iraniens des deux villes, et des entrevues en profondeur menées auprès d'un nombre plus restreint de personnes, soit une vingtaine. À la lumière de ces résultats, quelques éléments d'interprétation paraissent significatifs. Une adaptation réussie passe avant tout par une adaptation fonctionnelle (reconnaissance des acquis professionnels et insertion sur le marché du travail) qui assure un minimum de sécurité économique, laquelle permet par la suite d'effectuer les autres phases de l'adaptation. Or, il est clair qu'à Toronto les immigrants Iraniens ont davantage réussi leur adaptation fonctionnelle (90% des répondants ont un emploi qu'ils jugent satisfaisant à Toronto par rapport à 70% au Québec). Certaines lacunes peuvent être décelées, comme l'absence d'une communauté iranienne organisée au Québec et le rôle du gouvernement québécois qui ne paraît pas assez prépondérant en ce qui concerne l'adaptation de ces immigrants. Il est clair que la reconnaissance des acquis professionnels est beaucoup plus difficile à obtenir au Québec. Les équivalences universitaires sont en majorité obtenues à la baisse au Québec comparé à Toronto. Les Iraniens au Québec ont pour la plupart une formation académique poussée, mais leurs connaissances et leur compétence ne sont pas reconnues et ils sont de ce fait découragés (67% des Iraniens au chômage qui ont été interrogés au Québec ont une formation universitaire alors qu'à Toronto 40% des Iraniens qui ne travaillent pas sont des universitaires). Ce phénomène ne favorise pas l'adaptation professionnelle des Iraniens au Québec et amplifie leurs difficultés. Par ailleurs, le gouvernement devrait davantage miser sur l'impact et le rôle positif que pourraient jouer les pionniers dans l'adaptation des nouveaux immigrants en veillant à la mise en place d'une infrastructure d'aide. En favorisant l'entraide par la communauté iranienne elle-même grâce à des moyens adéquats, le gouvernement faciliterait ainsi le processus d'intégration au lieu d'agir à titre palliatif quand l'isolement des immigrants est déjà chose faite.

Weddings and funerals are some of the most universally profound events of our lives. Both acts, however disparate, ultimately celebrate life. This thesis draws on themes of life and regeneration in its reading of a neglected yet historically significant site in the port lands of Toronto. The changes that have occurred at the mouth of the Don mirror the changes that have occurred in Toronto from settlement to post-modernity. It is here that the thesis proposes a place that simultaneously reclaims its roots and creates a new identity for the port lands. As a means of reinhabiting this site, the design uses the power of weddings and funerals to generate a collective point of gathering that reflects the multicultural nature of Toronto today.

Human-dominated landscapes often have habitat loss and fragmentation. These characteristics described at the landscape scale, called landscape elements, influence species diversity and distribution. These landscape elements include such descriptions as the amount of habitat in the landscape and the degree of fragmentation of the habitat. "Optimization of landscape pattern" studies which landscape elements will maximize species diversity and/or distribution. Some general conclusions have emerged from this research. For example, for some bird species the size of the habitat patch in which a species nests has been found to be more important than landscape variables. However, preliminary research suggested that landscape elements such as the matrix are important urban areas. My study addressed this problem by asking: which elements of the landscape are most important for predicting avian species richness and abundance in the Greater Toronto Area? A literature review revealed a number of variables that have been found to influence bird species diversity within a landscape: area of habitat in which the species nests, amount of habitat within the landscape, degree of fragmentation, vegetation characteristics of the habitat patch, and area within the landscape deemed urban in municipal land-use designations (amount of urbanization). From this literature, I formulated four hypotheses describing the most important variables for avian diversity: (1) the area of the habitat patch is most important, (2) only variables describing the habitat patch itself are important, (3) the area of the habitat patch is important, but landscape variables should also be considered and (4) urbanization is most important. These hypotheses were considered competing explanations of bird species diversity at the landscape scale. <br /><br /> A database of breeding bird data and landscape information, in a geographic information system platform, was used to investigate the comparative strength of the competing hypotheses for the Greater Toronto Area. A mathematical expression with a Poisson model format was created to represent each hypothesis. The model selection technique based on Kullback-Leibler information using the Akaike Information Criterion was deemed most appropriate for the comparison of the models. Four separate Poisson model competitions were completed using two habitat types and two response variables: species richness and total abundance. In three of the four competitions, the best model included the habitat area and the amount of urbanization in the landscape. In the forth competition, this model was considered as strong as another model which included habitat area, amount of habitat in the landscape and degree of fragmentation. The results from the model competition support the hypothesis that habitat area is important, but landscape variables must also be considered to explain avian richness and total abundance. It appears that maintaining native bird biodiversity in the Greater Toronto Area should focus on preserving and possibly increasing habitat area and decreasing adjacent urbanization. Exploration of the best model in the forest analysis with the richness response variable found that a 10% increase in habitat area cause approximately a 10% increase in species richness, and a 10% increase in urban area caused approximately a 20% decrease in species richness. Consequently, current natural heritage planning in Ontario should consider urban development as an important negative effect on native birds.

Contemporary criticism of the North American urban public realm has reached an unproductive state of exhaustion. For some time, it has painted a rather bleak portrait of public space attributed to the impacts of global private economic forces, the disintegration of traditional civic ideals and an increasing uncertainty in its ideal (or even relevant) spatial form. If a productive and meaningful dialogue about the public realm and architecture’s contribution to it is to emerge, a more complete definition of this realm must include the impacts of its informal others. This research-based thesis examines the city’s spaces and actors of hidden appearance as a contribution to that expanded definition. In so doing, it finds a more appropriate means for their description in what Henri Lefebvre terms the urban blind field. Just as the human eye’s blind spot is subjective, the urban blind field too is dynamic and shifting. Looking from multiple viewpoints is necessary to the blind field’s exposure and more genuine portrayal. The research centres around a series of blind fields encountered during field research undertaken across Toronto, Canada. Each is reconceived and foregrounded through participant actions upon them, rather than by professional design alone. Three fundamental urban acts — play, exchange and cultivation — serve as a loose framework for the theoretical, photographic and discursive explorations thereof. This thesis asserts that blind fields possess within them the seeds of active urban democracy — challenging contemporary criticism’s bleak claims. Therefore, their maintenance is paramount to a rich and active ongoing public realm. As a relational concept, the blind field also exposes a fertile means of reconsidering architectural praxis and its relationship to space, material, time and participatory hierarchies.

In the last one hundred years Toronto’s cultural identity has been completely transformed. Once a quiet and thoroughly conservative Anglo-Saxon town, Toronto has become a thriving and dynamic multicultural city. Today a majority of the city’s residents are visible minorities and almost half are foreign-born; the largest of any city in the world. Never before have so many ‘different’ people shared place. While successive waves of immigration have had a profound and measurable impact on Toronto’s cultural and social character, the impact on its public spaces and institutions remains more illusive. This thesis proposes an architectural design for an intercultural library and language centre that seeks to give voice to the principles of diversity that have energized Toronto, while acknowledging the city’s history of divisiveness and political indifference to immigrants. Set adjacent to the Bickford Centre, an existing ESL school dedicated to serving new immigrants, the proposed intercultural library and language centre will face the Christie Pits Park, the site of Toronto’s worst race riot. Three lines of inquiry structure this thesis. The first is an in-depth sociodemographic investigation of immigration to Toronto. This is followed by an analysis of the meaning and significance of critical intercultural gathering spaces in the city. Finally, the thesis, through the design of the language centre, seeks to explore the capacity of architecture to simultaneously unite and provide amenity for a multicultural city population.