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This thesis examines the developmental pattern of trade unionism within the Yorkshire Glass Industry in the century after 1840. The concept of labour aristocracy is utilised to provide a framework for analysis of the actions and ideology of the artisan glassmakers both at the point of production and in a wider societal context. The thesis consists of two parts. Part, One, is a summary of the principal theories which have emerged from the controversy concerning the nature and role of the labour aristocracy and indicates areas of investigation concerning the position of the artisan glassworkers within the context of the ongoing debate. The nature of the principal sources employed together with the methodology utilised to form the overall analysis is discussed and ,a hypothesis is formulated. Part Two of the thesis consists of the analysis of data sources to test the hypothesis. The source material is examined within the context of three chronologically based sections. Each section corresponds to a discernable phase in trade union development within the Yorkshire Glass Industry. The three chronological sections are subdivided into an uneven series of topic headings each dealing with relevant aspects of the trade and trade unionism during the period under review. The arbitrary disruption of the time continuum in order to facilitate the handling of the source material has meant that some sub-topics are common to all three chronological periods whilst others are, perhaps, applicable to one or two only. Section one examines the years 1840 to 1880 which were years of trade union growth and the adoption and consolidation of centralised systems of union administration. The years 1880 to 1910 which form the second section were ones in which the unions under the adverse effects of trade depression, intensified competition both foreign and domestic, and the impact of technological change, suffered enforced retreat and retrenchment before experiencing a brief period of revival at the turn of the present century. The third section, 1910 - 1940, deals with the decline and demise of the craft-based unions in the face of the threat by automatic machine production processes and the adverse effects of the Great War and its economic aftermath.

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The purpose of the present study was to determine the effects of certain demographic factors upon attitude formation. The attitudes of Texas registered nurses toward trade unionism and their own right to strike were measured in terms of the effects of these selected factors.

The prime aim of this work is to examine the industrial relations of the Northumberland and Durham Coal Industry in the period 1825 - 1845. In order to do so comprehensively several different themes are examined. The North-eastern coalfield had a history of m~n~ng enterprises dating back to monastic and other medieval ecclesiastical ventures. It had witnessed expansion and development under the monopolistic Grand Alliance of aristocratic owners in the eighteenth-century. And in the second quarter of the nineteenth-century it presented a multifaceted pattern of ownership varying from some of the largest territorial magnates in the two counties to partnership~composedof representatives of the mercantile, industrial, professional and squirearchic elites of the area. The regularly-expanding labour force was initially composed of a localised aristocracy of skilled labour, who developed strong bonds of occupational solidarity, loyalty and craft-pride. They also had a strong sense of occupational status. Attitudes and beliefs developed within the workplac~ pervaded community relationships and structures) and gave them a cohesive and essentially insular character in which local traditions and folk-lore and bucolic leisure activities continued to predominate. The pitmen had a history of combination and industrial action dating back to the mid-eighteenth-century and their trade unions were craft-orientated, moderate and community-based. Disputes reflected the men's concern with status and privileges, which from the 1820's were being threatened by the employers attempts to rationalise the production processes and reduce costs. In the period under consideration there were two major strikes (1831-2 and 1844): the second involving the national trade union, the Miners' Association of Great Britain and Ireland. Strikes affected the whole community and the pit populations responded with a degree of solidarity which made the enforcement of law and order difficult. The history of the pitmen's trade unions, and their relationship with the coal owners has not been considered in detail since 1923. Using newly-available source material this work will assess the situation using as its basis the pitmen's own perceptions of the situation, to provide a framework in which to analyse their relationship with the employers.

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The Conservative governments of 1979-1997 were determined to reduce what they saw as "excessive union power". A succession of Employment and Trade Union Acts designed to undermine collective organisation and therefore trade union power were passed. The common perception tends to be that trade union power has been severely curtailed; however, some researchers suggest that very little has changed on the shopfloor. The main aim of the research was to ascertain what trade union members thought about the power of their trade unions. The focus of the study was on the local and workplace union organisations of the ABEU and UNISON. The research involved a case study approach. Data was obtained through the use of observation, interviews, questionnaires and the analysis of documentary evidence. It is concluded that trade union power is still a reality in the 199Os, though that power may be looked upon differently depending whether the focus is on unions at a national level or within the workplace. National unions may have changed but workplace organisations appear to remain much the same as they always have; some workplace organisations are effective and others do not appear to be as successful at achieving their aims. The success of workplace trade unionism is dependent upon the personalities and styles of working of the lay representatives. The legislation appears to have had little effect on independent workplace union organisations, though claims that the legislation had reduced trade union power appear to have been taken at face value, even by union members. As long as effective lay representatives are forthcoming there is no reason why unions at workplace level should not continue protecting their members' interests well into the 21st century.

Thesis (Ed.M.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-01

In 1985, the researcher took up employment in what he regarded as a senior management position as Assistant General Secretary (Administration) of NALGO, the public service union. The objective was to gain management experience alongside continuing management education. Whilst there were others seeking to manage to the best of their ability, the idea was not universally accepted. However, the union, by the end of the decade, had embarked on management development courses for senior managers and by the time it merged and became part of UNISON, managerial activities were visible in many areas. It was not, however, clear the extent to which – if at all – such phenomena were observable in other trade unions. The literature did not help in this respect. Research to establish whether trade union managers existed and, if so, what their roles were appeared to offer the prospect of examining a new area of trade union life. This research is based on interviews with 56 senior trade union staff in four trade unions formed by merger – CWU, PCS, UNiFI and UNISON. Only one of those individuals professed not to accept a managerial role and that person accepted that he had a responsibility to ensure that the union was managed. Original findings include the following:- • There is a category of employee in trade unions known as a ‘trade union manager’, a role not previously identified by empirical research and discussed in the literature. • Trade union management develops depending on the level of institutional support. In the case study unions, there were links between this and the stage of merger that the unions had reached. Prior to institutional acceptance, there are managers who do their best to manage, operating in something of a cocoon. • Trade union managers espouse trade union principles which include the notion of fairness, imputing a concern for the way people are treated, including the staff for whom they are responsible. • Management remains in many ways a problematic concept in trade unions, leading often to its undervaluation. Trade union managers may perceive that it involves the exercise of power of the powerless, judgment on the weak. Trade union managers may as a result be ambivalent at being judgmental and, consequently, at managing conduct or performance. • Trade union managers manage stakeholders in polyarchal organisations but boundaries with lay activists are unclear; they engage in contests to define those boundaries and to manage what they regard as their own responsibilities. • Boundaries may include those relating to conflictual relations, constitutional boundaries, moveable boundaries, staff boundaries and policy/political boundaries.