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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Illinois at Chicago Circle. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 304-327).

In 1985, the researcher took up employment in what he regarded as a senior management position as Assistant General Secretary (Administration) of NALGO, the public service union. The objective was to gain management experience alongside continuing management education. Whilst there were others seeking to manage to the best of their ability, the idea was not universally accepted. However, the union, by the end of the decade, had embarked on management development courses for senior managers and by the time it merged and became part of UNISON, managerial activities were visible in many areas. It was not, however, clear the extent to which – if at all – such phenomena were observable in other trade unions. The literature did not help in this respect. Research to establish whether trade union managers existed and, if so, what their roles were appeared to offer the prospect of examining a new area of trade union life. This research is based on interviews with 56 senior trade union staff in four trade unions formed by merger – CWU, PCS, UNiFI and UNISON. Only one of those individuals professed not to accept a managerial role and that person accepted that he had a responsibility to ensure that the union was managed. Original findings include the following:- • There is a category of employee in trade unions known as a ‘trade union manager’, a role not previously identified by empirical research and discussed in the literature. • Trade union management develops depending on the level of institutional support. In the case study unions, there were links between this and the stage of merger that the unions had reached. Prior to institutional acceptance, there are managers who do their best to manage, operating in something of a cocoon. • Trade union managers espouse trade union principles which include the notion of fairness, imputing a concern for the way people are treated, including the staff for whom they are responsible. • Management remains in many ways a problematic concept in trade unions, leading often to its undervaluation. Trade union managers may perceive that it involves the exercise of power of the powerless, judgment on the weak. Trade union managers may as a result be ambivalent at being judgmental and, consequently, at managing conduct or performance. • Trade union managers manage stakeholders in polyarchal organisations but boundaries with lay activists are unclear; they engage in contests to define those boundaries and to manage what they regard as their own responsibilities. • Boundaries may include those relating to conflictual relations, constitutional boundaries, moveable boundaries, staff boundaries and policy/political boundaries.

The claim by the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) that it is investing more of its resources in teacher professional development than in supporting collective bargaining has led to this research. SADTU is the biggest teacher union with more than 230 000 members in South Africa (SA) and is more often than not using strikes and other forms of industrial action to put pressure on the Department of Basic Education to address its demands as a union. It even joins industrial action called by COSATU which has no relation to education matters. The aforementioned statement by SADTU is captured in Nxesi (2005) and SADTU (2002) However, the public media disagrees with what SADTU claims to be doing when it vowed to halt teaching and turn every court case involving its members into a holiday despite the crisis the strike has caused for school children ( Mashaba, et al: 2007: 11). Internationally teachers’ unions like the Israeli Teachers’ Union (ICT), National Education Association (NEA), Nova Scotia Teachers’ Union (NSTU), Botswana Teachers’ Union (BTU), Florida Education Association (FEA) and the New South Wales Teachers’ Federation (NSWTF) have already started with teacher professional development programmes and initiatives in their respective countries and this is captured in NEA (2006), BTU (2005), FEA (2010), NSWTF (2010). SADTU’s initiatives are in line with international trends. The need for SADTU members to be accorded teacher professional development is given more emphasis in that SADTU has established The Curtis Nkondo Teacher Professional Institute. This institute aims to address the challenges of poorly skilled educators in South Africa particularly SADTU members, and is emphasised in SADTU (2013). SADTU’s initiatives are in line with the Continuing Professional Teacher Development (CPTD) initiative which is a performance standard in the Integrated Quality Management System (IQMS) which is emphasized in Department of Education (2006). The finding of this research indicates that SADTU is involved in its members’ professional development. / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

Yes / This summary document presents the main areas of enquiry and summarises the key findings from the quantitative stage of this study; a survey of PCS lay officials undertaken in March 2013. It is presented here as a quick reference document to summarise, in bullet point form, the key findings from the full research report which presents detailed top level results, by gender, for the whole survey.

A reestruturação nas telecomunicações brasileiras iniciada em meados dos anos 1990 com a quebra do monopólio estatal e a privatização do sistema Telebrás, em 1998, trouxe significativas mudanças para os sindicatos do setor. De um lado, o eixo homogêneo de negociações sindicato/empresa do período estatal fragmentou-se, tornando as negociações geograficamente dispersas. De outro, a nova forma assumida no setor influencia as experiências vivenciadas no trabalho e o perfil dos trabalhadores e novos dirigentes sindicais: agora eles são mais jovens, com escolarização maior e de tipo diverso, e pior remunerados. Disto resulta em diferenças entre distintas gerações de sindicalistas quanto às interpretações do presente e do passado, bem como quanto às percepções sobre a legitimidade das práticas sindicais. Tais diferenças, quando somadas às imposições da reorganização das relações de trabalho no setor, resultam na mudança do padrão de negociação do sindicato, bem como na sua reorganização interna. O presente estudo analisa o impacto da privatização da TELESP nas atividades sindicais do SINTETEL de São Paulo, tendo em vista a conjunção de gerações de sindicalistas e sua influência na estratégia da instituição. Para a análise utilizaram-se entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes, acordos coletivos, material impresso pelo sindicato, estatutos e dados da RAIS/GAGED. / The restructuring of the Brazilian telecommunications sector that began in the mid-1990s with the dissolution of the state monopoly and the privatization of the Telebrás system in 1998, brought significant changes to the labor unions operating in this sector. Firstly, the clearly defined axis of union/corporate negotiations during the period of state ownership was fragmented, dispersing the negotiations geographically. Secondly, the changes in the sector have influenced the work experiences as well as the demographic composition of the workers and new union activists: today they are younger, with higher levels of education in diverse areas, and receive lower salaries. This results in differences between the distinct generations of union members in terms of their interpretations of the past and the present, as well as in their perceptions of the legitimacy of union practices. Such differences, when combined with the impositions of the reorganization of the labor relations in the sector, result in a change in the negotiating patterns of the union, as well as in its own internal reorganization. The present study analyzes the impact of the privatization of TELESP in the union activities of Sintetel in São Paulo, in light of the conjuncture of generations of union leaders and the influence of this conjuncture on negotiating strategies of the union. The analysis is based on interviews with both present and former union activists, collective agreements, printed materials from the unions, union bylaws, and data from the RAIS/CAGED databases.

A reestruturação nas telecomunicações brasileiras iniciada em meados dos anos 1990 com a quebra do monopólio estatal e a privatização do sistema Telebrás, em 1998, trouxe significativas mudanças para os sindicatos do setor. De um lado, o eixo homogêneo de negociações sindicato/empresa do período estatal fragmentou-se, tornando as negociações geograficamente dispersas. De outro, a nova forma assumida no setor influencia as experiências vivenciadas no trabalho e o perfil dos trabalhadores e novos dirigentes sindicais: agora eles são mais jovens, com escolarização maior e de tipo diverso, e pior remunerados. Disto resulta em diferenças entre distintas gerações de sindicalistas quanto às interpretações do presente e do passado, bem como quanto às percepções sobre a legitimidade das práticas sindicais. Tais diferenças, quando somadas às imposições da reorganização das relações de trabalho no setor, resultam na mudança do padrão de negociação do sindicato, bem como na sua reorganização interna. O presente estudo analisa o impacto da privatização da TELESP nas atividades sindicais do SINTETEL de São Paulo, tendo em vista a conjunção de gerações de sindicalistas e sua influência na estratégia da instituição. Para a análise utilizaram-se entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes, acordos coletivos, material impresso pelo sindicato, estatutos e dados da RAIS/GAGED. / The restructuring of the Brazilian telecommunications sector that began in the mid-1990s with the dissolution of the state monopoly and the privatization of the Telebrás system in 1998, brought significant changes to the labor unions operating in this sector. Firstly, the clearly defined axis of union/corporate negotiations during the period of state ownership was fragmented, dispersing the negotiations geographically. Secondly, the changes in the sector have influenced the work experiences as well as the demographic composition of the workers and new union activists: today they are younger, with higher levels of education in diverse areas, and receive lower salaries. This results in differences between the distinct generations of union members in terms of their interpretations of the past and the present, as well as in their perceptions of the legitimacy of union practices. Such differences, when combined with the impositions of the reorganization of the labor relations in the sector, result in a change in the negotiating patterns of the union, as well as in its own internal reorganization. The present study analyzes the impact of the privatization of TELESP in the union activities of Sintetel in São Paulo, in light of the conjuncture of generations of union leaders and the influence of this conjuncture on negotiating strategies of the union. The analysis is based on interviews with both present and former union activists, collective agreements, printed materials from the unions, union bylaws, and data from the RAIS/CAGED databases.

The thesis attempts to provide an analysis of the role of trade union membership in the formations of trade union consciousness and worker identity and the assumption that the trade union membership is influential in the formation of worker identity is tested in this study. It is mainly based upon a field study conducted in Railcar Factory of T&Uuml / VASAS in Sakarya, makes a comparison between union member workers and non-union member subcontractors in terms of the formation of trade union consciousness and worker identity. It will also be possible to point out concretely that the formations of trade consciousness and worker identity are analysed through perceptions, consciousness and attitudes by taking the social, economic and political dimensions into consideration. It is analysed that the trade union membership has not a significant influence on the formation of worker identity and there are no big differences among the union member workers and subcontractors in terms of the aproaches towards trade unionism, working class consciousness and worker identity.

nÃo hà / A presente pesquisa aborda o processo de organizaÃÃo sindical dos trabalhadores em educaÃÃo do Cearà que deu origem ao Sindicato Ãnico dos Trabalhadores em EducaÃÃo (SINDIUTE). Tem como objetivo central registrar a histÃrica luta da entidade sindical no Cearà como instrumento da resistÃncia dos trabalhadores em educaÃÃo, a partir da dÃcada de 1980. O trabalho pretende resgatar as principais lutas e ganhos no processo organizativo contra a ofensiva dos diferentes governos, a crise vivida pela entidade em sua tentativa de unificaÃÃo em 1991, a ruptura do setor cutista (ArticulaÃÃo Sindical) ocorrida no final da dÃcada de 1990 e o abandono do sindicato por seu nÃcleo dirigente, em 2003. Para tanto, procura realizar uma leitura crÃtica do processo polÃtico e organizativo vivido pela classe trabalhadora no Brasil na dÃcada de 1990, confrontado com a crise mundial do capital. Explicita as medidas legais adotadas pelos Ãltimos governos brasileiros, a partir da referida dÃcada, e analisa a resposta da classe trabalhadora, particularmente a sindicalmente organizada, no plano nacional, na Central Ãnica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) e no plano estadual, no SINDIUTE. A pesquisa se posiciona contrÃria ao carÃter propositivo/defensivo que caracterizou a polÃtica do setor majoritÃrio da CUT, a partir de entÃo. Denuncia os ataques à liberdade e autonomia sindical que marcaram o processo de fundaÃÃo do SINDIUTE a partir de aÃÃes dos governos e de setores da prÃpria categoria. Refuta a ideia da perda da centralidade do trabalho no mundo contemporÃneo, posiÃÃo assumida pelo setor que rompeu com SINDIUTE em 2003, o grupo CrÃtica Radical, que defende o abandono da luta sindical. A nossa anÃlise corrobora a avaliaÃÃo de que o movimento sindical vive um momento de intensa crise, seja pelo recrudescimento da exploraÃÃo da forÃa de trabalho, seja pela crise de sua direÃÃo, consubstanciada na posiÃÃo adotada pelo setor majoritÃrio do sindicalismo brasileiro. Entretanto, reafirma o papel imprescindÃvel das organizaÃÃes sindicais no contexto da luta geral pela emancipaÃÃo da classe trabalhadora, direcionando para esta, como tarefa imediata, recompor a independÃncia de classe e autonomia de suas organizaÃÃes sindicais diante de governos pseudodemocrÃticos e populares e dos patrÃes. Defende como necessidade premente libertar o sindicato da polÃtica defensiva da maioria das suas direÃÃes, da sua crescente captura pela estrutura sindical e dos imperativos do capital. / The current study argues on the Education workersâ trade union organization in CearÃ, which originated the Education Workers Union (SINDIUTE). Its primary aim is registering the historical struggle of such entity as an instrument of workersâ resistance from the 1980âs. The research intends to recall organizationâs main efforts and achievements against the offensive of the varied governments, the crisis that the institution faced by 1991, the rupture of Union workersâ sector (Union articulation) that came into light by the end of the 1990âs, and the abandon of the Union by its managers, in 2003. For such, it seeks to criticize the politics and the organization that the worker class lived in the 1990âs, facing the world economic crisis. The study denounces legal procedures Brazilian last governments adopted from that decade and analyzing the feedback of worker class, particularly the united one, in a national plan, within CUT, and in a state plan, within SINDIUTE. The study shows to be contrary to the proposition/defense character that CUTâs main sector performed since that. It denounces attacks to union workersâ freedom and autonomy that marked SINDIUTEâs foundation based on actions of government and sectors of the very category. Therefore, the research refuses the idea of work centrality loss within contemporary world, position that the sector that denied SINDIUTE in 2003, Radical Critics, assumed, defending union workersâ efforts abandon. Analysis here confirms the evaluation that workers union movement lives a critical period, due to both, the increasing of working power, and the crisis of managers, configured with the position of defense/proposition that the main Brazilian trade sector adopted. Nonetheless, it reaffirms the essential trade unions role in the context of the general fight for the emancipation of workers class, which stipulates its immediate task of recomposing the independence of class and the autonomy of their trade unions facing pseudo-democratic and popular governments, as well as bosses. It defends as a primary need let the workers union free from the defensive politics of most of managers, from its increasing capture by trade unionâs structure and economic imperatives.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-10T13:46:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 eduardofreitasdacostasilva.pdf: 434280 bytes, checksum: 0ced2253c8c21b92f0be3c9cc50b905e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-11T15:52:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 eduardofreitasdacostasilva.pdf: 434280 bytes, checksum: 0ced2253c8c21b92f0be3c9cc50b905e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-11T15:52:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 eduardofreitasdacostasilva.pdf: 434280 bytes, checksum: 0ced2253c8c21b92f0be3c9cc50b905e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-28 / O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a trajetória da Central única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), no que se refere às percepções que desenvolve sobre a relação entre Estado e Sindicato. Discorremos brevemente sobre o tratamento dado a esta relação na literatura sobre o sindicalismo brasileiro e nos debruçamos sobre as resoluções dos congressos da CUT, desde sua fundação até o presente, quando analisamos as proposições apresentadas pela direção da CUT às vésperas do 10º CONCUT. Em meio a continuidades e rupturas, salienta-se que a CUT evolui de uma perspectiva mais conflitiva, de distanciamento em relação a diferentes governos, para a admissão de uma postura de maior colaboração com o Estado, especialmente a partir da ascensão de Lula à presidência da República. Esta trajetória é marcada pela redefinição dos papéis desempenhados pela CUT que, ao lado da condição de instrumento de reivindicação dos trabalhadores, busca a interlocução com outros atores na sociedade civil, de modo a forjar alianças para enfrentar os dilemas associados aos processos de reestruturação econômica neoliberal. Todavia, tais mudanças se fazem com a reafirmação simultânea dos princípios proclamados na origem da central, de modo a firmar sua identidade num cenário marcado pela presença de correntes alternativas de organização sindical. / The objective of this thesis is to analyze the trajectory of the Central Union of Workers (CUT), in relation to perceptions that develops on the relationship between State and union. We talked briefly about the treatment of this relationship in the literature on the Brazilian labor movement, and considers resolutions of the congresses of the CUT, since its founding to the present, when we analyze the proposals presented by the leadership of the CUT on the eve of the 10th CONCUT. Among the continuities and ruptures, it is noted that the CUT evolves from a more conflictive, to distance from the various governments for the acceptance of a position of greater collaboration with the State, especially since the rise of Lula as president Republic. This path is characterized by the redefinition of the roles played by the CUT that besides the condition of an instrument of the workers' demand, seeks dialogue with other actors in civil society, to forge alliances to confront the dilemmas associated with the processes of neoliberal economic restructuring . However, these changes are concurrent with the reaffirmation of the principles proclaimed in the origin of the CUT, in order to establish his identity in a setting marked by the presence of alternative current union organization.