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In the last two decades, many countries going through transitional justice have established truth commissions. Unlike conventional war tribunals, most truth commissions are established by the local government and local human rights groups. Truth commissions are still a nascent political choice, yet a sizable literature has developed around it, evaluating its potential as a new institution for dealing with the past and moving towards restorative justice. This work examines four major questions debated in the transitional justice literature over truth versus justice: 1) whether or not a truth commission is an valid alternative mechanism to seeking out retributive justice, 2) whether or not truth commissions are the product of political compromise which avoiding justice, 3) if truth commissions can be the agent of new national identity and national unity founded on the principles of universal human rights, and 4) if amnesty can be legitimized. This work aims to determine to what extent the idea itself of truth commissions has been actualized up to now and what lot it may expect in the future, despite incidental political restrictions and difficulties in the political transition. Despite the common assertion that the goals of truth commissions are to bring about official acknowledgment of the past, restore the dignity of the victims, and achieve reconciliation in divided society, this paper does not intend to evaluate the truth commissions in the past based on these criteria; nor does this work intend to argue what truth commissions can resolve in the transitional justice societies. Rather, this paper seeks to uncover what social reaction or human emotions truth commissions in the past have evoked in a divided society. To explore the question, this paper focuses on the distinctive activities and merits of truth commissions from the standpoint of retributive justice and looks into the important implication in the interaction between the victims and the perpetrators, as well as between the audience and those two parties. Roger Errera, a member of the French Conseil d’Etat, stated that “Memory is the ultimate form of justice.” Inspired by the statement, this work argues that justice can be found in the act of pursing truth, remembering it, and responding to those voices from the past. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Research, Institute of / Graduate

How we respond to legacies of past violence cannot be separated from the narratives we hold about that violence. When the state fails, for whatever reason, to take the lead in dealing with past violence and the development of a public narrative about conflict, various groups may seek to fill that space based on different agendas. The way individuals and organisations outside the state interpret and engage with processes of dealing with the past is influenced by the narratives they hold and are exposed to, and this can have positive or negative implications for long-term peace. This thesis seeks to interrogate how civil society narratives of electoral violence have shaped the transitional justice agenda in Zimbabwe, as drawn from the way they report and depict understandings of this violence, through written texts as well as the way they speak about violence in various public forums. This investigation is done through a qualitative interpretivist approach to understand the kinds of narratives of violence espoused by four civil society organisations through a categorical content analysis of their reports and in-depth interviews with four key stakeholders. The thesis concludes that while the understandings of violence are key to how we deal with the violence, these understandings have to be drawn genuinely from the experiences of those that have lived the violence, and not from agendas that seek certain ends, whether political or economic. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Social Science Research Council’s Next Generation Social Sciences in Africa Fellowship, with funds provided by Carnegie Corporation of New York SSRC and the University of Pretoria Postgraduate Research Support Grant. / Political Sciences / PhD / Unrestricted

This dissertation research focused on the determination of appropriate outcome measures for community-based psychosocial rehabilitation programs for the mentally ill from the perspective of knowledgeable citizens. Specifically, this research identified a conflict between the Mississippi Department of Mental Health, as the certifying agency, and the Mississippi Division of Medicaid, as the funding agency, with regard to the transitional employment component of the psychosocial rehabilitation program. In order to ascertain whether transitional employment should be retained in the psychosocial rehabilitation program, survey questionnaires and in-depth interviews were completed with one hundred and sixty-eight consumers and twenty-three staff in six psychosocial rehabilitation Clubhouse programs in north central Mississippi. The survey questionnaires and interviews focused primarily on the effects of demographics, diagnosis, and barriers to employment on the willingness of consumers with mental illness to participate in transitional employment. Eleven independent variables were identified including age, living arrangements, years of attendance in the psychosocial rehabilitation program, diagnosis, stigma/attitudes, external influence, symptoms of mental illness, training/experience/education deficits, social/cognitive/behavior deficits, financial barriers, and total barriers to employment. Mixed methodology found convergence between quantitative and qualitative findings with regard to seven independent variables and differences with regard to four. Mixed methods found age, living arrangements, and years of attendance in the psychosocial rehabilitation program were not predictive of willingness to participate in transitional employment. Mixed methods found that stigma/attitudes, external influence, symptoms of mental illness, and total barriers to employment were predictive of willingness to participate in transitional employment. Symptoms of mental illness were found to have the greatest impact. Mixed methods also differed in the findings with regard to four variables. While no statistical significance was found to support diagnosis, training/experience/education deficits, social/cognitive/behavior deficits, or financial barriers as predictors of willingness to participate in transitional employment, substantively these variables are important. Based on the findings, the study recommends adjustments and considerations by the Mississippi Department of Mental Health, the Mississippi Division of Medicaid, and the psychosocial rehabilitation programs that will reconcile the differences and lead to the development and implementation of appropriate outcome measures.

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Quantitative research investigating the causes and subsequent impact of transitional justice practices has further developed thanks to the production of cross-national data on justice practices, namely by the Justice Data Project and the Transitional Justice Research Collaborative. Current work, however, does not consider the role of justice from a feminist perspective. For example, with respect to causes, we know little about whether and how justice processes are gender inclusive, and what the factors lead to gendered inclusion within justice practices. There is also a need for further inquiry to explain how gendered conflict violence, e.g., sexual violence directed at women, influences justice adoption, and if so, whether these justice processes are more likely to be inclusive of women and gendered issues. Regarding justice impact (its post-hoc effects), there is much to know about the implications gendered justice pose for post-violence societies. Moving away from essentialist notions that position men as protectors and women as inherently peaceful and mere victims of abuse, feminist scholars advocate for research to showcase women's agency as security providers in peacebuilding and peacemaking. I introduce a framework to explain how women and gendered issues become integrated into justice practices and evaluate implications that result from these processes. Such a research program is important, if not crucial, to understand the role of women as agents in the development of peace and security in countries with a history of violence and human rights abuse. In doing so, I respond to demands calling for gender perspectives on issues related to security and positive peace, a peace that includes social justice, that can only be achieved by dismantling the unequal power structures of gender, race, and class.

Homelessness in DC has been on the rise for a while but now it is getting to the point where it is becoming a major issue. The Mayor has proposed a plan to end homelessness with seven shelters, one in each ward of DC. The shelter this thesis is proposing would be a combination of a typical homeless center with the added benefits of an overall rehabilitation center. These features combined will provide a place where the homes can transition from their current state to a state where they can then support themselves and their families. / Master of Architecture / Homelessness is a rising problem in the Washington, D.C. area. Families with children are now the most dominant homeless population in the D.C area due to the gap between a living wage and an actual wage. Through study and analysis, it was noted that a one night shelter was not effective in ending homelessness but a therapeutic, rehabilitation center is. From these ideas, it was decided that a six month to one year residency homeless center would be the best thing to design to better help the growing homeless population.

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Martha Minow argues that among the goals that a transitional justice system should pursue, reconciliation is equally as important as truth and justice. This is why in her view – and others who have argued similar lines – Truth and Reconciliation Commissions are not a “second best option” to trials. I argue that if we are to accept that reconciliation is a valuable goal, then the practical reality of pursuing reconciliation dictates a need to understand perpetrators in greater depth. This is because unlike truth and justice, reconciliation cannot be forced. Constructive participation is the only way that reconciliation can be achieved. In order to promote constructive participation, I argue that theorists need to do further research into what I call “perpetrator requirements”: the requirements that make perpetrators participate, and participate constructively. To do so, theorists should use an interdisciplinary approach, utilizing research from psychology, anthropology, political science, philosophy, and law. / Graduate

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