[pt] Esta dissertação busca olhar para o espaço das redes transnacionais religiosas sob a perspectiva da Sociologia Política Internacional. Através do caso paradigmático da construção da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) como ator transnacional e sua transnacionalização para a África, procuro oferecer elementos para entender o lugar dessas redes na política mundial. Muitos estudiosos pensaram que a importância da religião desapareceria da política com o advento da modernização. No entanto, as tradições religiosas se adaptaram aos novos tempos, ressignificando o espaço da religião na sociedade. As redes transnacionais religiosas são resultado desse processo de adaptação. No Brasil, o movimento de transnacionalização religiosa que mais teve destaque foi o das redes neopentecostais, como o da IURD, que se intensificaram a partir da década de 1980. Em uma abordagem de redes de religião como fenômenos transnacionais, vemos que elas produzem efeitos na política mundial que nos permitem modificar a forma como se pode olhar para as relações políticas e sociais, e, por vezes, desafiar o próprio sistema de estados. / [en] This dissertation seeks to look at the space of transnational religious networks from the perspective of International Political Sociology. Through the paradigmatic case of the construction of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) as a transnational actor and its transnationalization for Africa, I try to offer elements to understand the place of these networks in world politics. Many scholars thought that the importance of religion would disappear from politics with the advent of modernization. However, religious traditions have adapted to new times, giving new meaning to the space of religion in society. Transnational religious networks are the result of this adaptation process. In Brazil, the movement of religious transnationalization that stood out the most was that of neopentecostal networks, such as that of the IURD, which intensified from the 1980s onwards. In an approach of religious networks as transnational phenomena, we see that they produce effects on world politics that allow us to modify the way we can look at political and social relations, and sometimes to challenge the state system itself.

Quel est le pouvoir des normes internationales de droits humains ? Ces normes ont-elles un pouvoir politique? En s’appuyant sur le cas mexicain (entre 1988 et 2006), la thèse tente de répondre à trois questionnements. Le premier est lié à la trajectoire des normes: les défenseurs mexicains des droits humains cherchent-ils l’appui d’acteurs internationaux pour promouvoir les droits humains vis-à-vis leur gouvernement, tel que le suggère le modèle du boomerang ? Deuxièmement, il s’agit de comprendre l’impact du processus de diffusion des normes sur le respect des droits humains : les acteurs internationaux et nationaux qui défendent les droits humains parviennent-ils à influencer les décisions politiques gouvernementales, en matière de protection des droits humains ? Et finalement: ces groupes contribuent-ils à changer le cours du processus de démocratisation d’un État ? Les résultats de la recherche permettent de tirer quelques conclusions. La thèse confirme dans un premier temps la théorie du boomerang de Keck et Sikkink (1998), puisque les pressions domestiques en matière de droits humains deviennent efficaces au moment où les acteurs domestiques gagnent l’appui des acteurs internationaux. En ce qui concerne l’impact de la diffusion des normes internationales des droits humains sur leur protection gouvernementale, il semble que le gouvernement mexicain entre 1988 et 2006 réagisse aux pressions des acteurs qui diffusent les normes de droits humains par la mise en place d’institutions et de lois et non par une protection effective de ces droits. Un deuxième type d’impact, lié à la diffusion des normes en droits humains, est observé sur le processus de démocratisation. La thèse montre que les acteurs qui diffusent les normes en droits humains jouent un rôle dans la mise en place de réformes électorales, tout en contribuant à une redéfinition plus démocratique des rapports de pouvoir entre la société civile et l’État. / What is the power of international human rights norms ? Do those norms have the capacity to change the political course of a State ? More precisely, can they contribute to a better human rights protection and the democratization of a State ? This thesis tackles these questions and tries to figure out how the international human rights norms are participating to the political evolution of a country. Examining the case of Mexico, this thesis seeks to provide answers to three main questions. The first one is related to the path followed by norms : are the domestic human rights groups bypassing their State to search out international allies to bring pressure on the government, as suggested by the boomerang model, or are they able to display effective pressure for human rights changes? This thesis also tries to understand the impact of human rights groups on human rights domestic changes : are the international and national human rights groups able to bring out domestic human rights changes ? Finally, the impact of human rights groups on democratization is examined : do international and national human rights groups play a role within the democratization of the mexican State ? The analysis of data helps to draw the appropriate conclusions. First, the thesis argues that domestic human rights groups are using the boomerang effect, seeking international allies in Mexico to put effective pressure on their gouvernment. Indeed, the human rights domestic pressure became effective only when the international community started to get involved in the protection of human rights in Mexico. Secondly, it shows that international and national human rights groups have been efficient in encouraging the Mexican government to adopt human rights policies between 1988 and 2006. As the human rights sector expanded in Mexico, the government has put into place many reforms and institutions to promote human rights.

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