This thesis describes the sections in the Resource Management Act 1991 of particular relevance for nga Iwi Maori and assesses how well these facilitate involvement for Maori in the management of New Zealand�s resources. The method of assessment used is one of comparison between the schemes and philosophies of 1991 Act, and the active involvement of Maori in decision-making for their resources which is requires by Article ii of the Treaty of Waitangi (Te Tiriti o Waitangi). Part i describes the Maori world view of the environment and outlines the Treaty of Waitangi and its relevance to resource management law. Part ii describes the purpose and principles contained in sections 5, 6(e), 7(a), and 8 of the 1991 Act. Chapter Three provides an overview of the relationship between the purpose and principles. Chapter Four discusses the purpose in section 5 and proclaims that the inclusion of sustainability as a purpose in resource management legislation is advantageous in terms of the indirect furtherance of Maori conservation aspirations for the enviroment. It also describes how the cultural wellbeing of Maori has been interpreted to be an express part of the purpose of the Act. Chapter Five provides an analysis of section 6(e) which makes the relationship of Maori and their culture and traditions with their taonga a matter of national importance under the Act. Chapter Six describes section 7(a) and kaitiakitanga which must be given particular regard under the Act. Chapter Seven discusses section 8 and the content and meaning of the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. Part ii concludes that while the facilitation of Maori involvement in the management and protection of natural and physical resources is improved under this Act, these sections are an insufficient safeguard for Maori interests. Part iii assesses the other sections in the Act which have a bearing on Maori involvement in resource management processes. Chapter Eight explores the planning system. Chapter Nine describes the resource consent processes in the 1991 Act. Chapter Ten comments on various procedural provisions which introduce tikanga Maori into the Act, and Chapter Eleven is devoted to exploring the sections in the Act which in the writer�s opinion provide the most potential for recognition of rangatiratanga in a limited form. This Part proclaims that the emphasis in the Act is very much on consultation with nga Iwi Maori as an effective means for their involement in resource management. It is submitted that this is not the active participation in decision-making that Maori seek and which is guaranteed under Article ii of the Treaty of Waitangi. Chapter Twelve acknowledges that involvement of nga Iwi Maori in processes under the 1991 Act will rely to some extent on the content of policy statements and plans produced by the local authorities. An analysis of the Proposed Otago Regional Policy Statement is undertaken to explore how the concerns of Kai Tahu have been incorporated into the statement. Chapter Thirteen ends by concluding that while the 1991 Act does provide for increased Maori involvement in resource management processes in New Zealand it does not facilitate the decision-making role guaranteed by Article ii of the Treaty of Waitangi.

一九七九年中共「十一屆三中全會」確定了「鄧小平路線」, 由於對外來 資金與技術的需求, 間接影響其世界觀與對外政策; 在馬列毛思維體系中 本就是趨從於政治的法律, 也產生了變化。條約法是國際法的一個專門領 域, 也是國際法學中發展較為完善的一門。中共自認為一九七九年 (尤其 是八○年) 之後, 應以發展「有中國特色的條約法學」為重心; 據其所 稱, 這是一種馬克思主義、列寧主義、毛澤東思想及「新中國」實踐的總 合。儘管「有中國特色的條約法學」具有濃厚的宣傳意味, 但一九七九年 之後, 中共關於條約法的理論、研究與官方行為, 確實有極大的轉變 : 制定詳細的條約締結程序法、派遣國際法學家參與國際法院法官的選舉參 與相關的條約法公約的制定、出版條約法專書、他與西方國家締結條約數 目大增、降低條約法的鬥爭性......等等。除上所述, 本論文也從國際條 約法的角度, 觀察、分析中共在「香港問題」上所產生的種種問題, 並藉 以究討台海兩岸間協議的性質、效力。

Ilha Formosa, meaning the ‘evergreen resplendent isle’, today known as Taiwan was named by passing European navigators in the sixteenth century. Although it had never been officially a part of the British Empire, the island – like a large portion of the world, was influenced by Great Britain, its activities, and policies. The aim of this thesis is to explore the development of the British concept, or image, of Formosa through the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period, British influence in Formosa picked-up significantly due to British commercial interests. Under British influence in the second half of the nineteenth century, Formosa started to produce and export famous Taiwanese tea on a much larger scale. The popularity of Oolong tea brought Formosa into the sphere of British public interest and the British community in Taiwan grew as a result. As time went on, more missionaries and their wives, officers, and merchants visited and lived in Taiwan. Their interactions with the Chinese and indigenous populations were carried back to Britain through visitors´ journals, letters, photographs, and stories, all of which effected the British public perception of Formosa. The popularization of Taiwanese tea together with other commercial and political interests played an important role in the British public reflection of Formosa, which evolved from the opening of the Taiwan seaports to foreign trade at the end of the 1850s and the beginning of the 1860s until the end of the nineteenth century, when the Japanese began its colonization of Taiwan.

No description available.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Frankfurt am Main, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 457-486).

In Vielfalt geeint - so lautet das Motto, unter dem das Europäische Parlament arbeitet. In diesem Jahr wurde es neu gewählt. Zugleich feiert das Europaparlament sein 30-jähriges Bestehen. Beide Ereignisse sind Anlass, nicht nur Bilanz zu ziehen, sondern auch einen Blick in die Zukunft zu wagen.

The Polish discourse about the European Constitution has one feature in common with the discourses of other member states: it deals with everything but the text of the Constitution Treaty itself. At its core it oscillates between the Polish striving for power in the EU and the toleration for cultural difference in Europe. The opposite of the latter has been particularly significant during the referendum debates in France and the Netherlands, which let to the rejection of the constitutional treaty.

The authors argue that the public opinion and the discourse of political elites differ significantly within the Franco-German debate on the Constitutional Treaty of the EU. Moreover, the article shows that the discussion reflects different conceptions of European politics. These differences lead to the claim that the co-operation and the leading role of Germany and France in the EU have to be re-defined. This has to occur in the context of a politicisation of European politics, which is crucial for the future of the enlarged European Union.

This thesis investigates the ability of transparent surface coatings to reduce xenon diffusion into plastic scintillators. The motivation for the work is improved radioxenon monitoring equipment, used with in the framework of the verification regime of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. A large part of the equipment used in this context incorporates plastic scintillators which are in direct contact with the radioactive gas to be detected. One problem with such setup is that radioxenon diffuses into the plastic scintillator material during the measurement, resulting in an unwanted memory effect consisting of residual activity left in the detector. In this work coatings of Al2O3 and SiO2, with thicknesses between 20 and 400 nm have been deposited onto flat plastic scintillator samples, and tested with respect to their Xe diffusion barrier capabilities. All tested coatings were found to reduce the memory effect, and 425 nm of Al2O3 showed the most promise. This coating was deposited onto a complete detector. Compared to uncoated detectors, the coated one presented a memory effect reduction of a factor of 1000. Simulations and measurements of the expected light collection efficiency of a coated detector were also performed, since it is important that this property is not degraded by the coating. It was shown that a smooth coating, with a similar refractive index as the one of the plastic, should not significantly affect the light collection and resolution. The resolution of the complete coated detector was also measured, showing a resolution comparable to uncoated detectors. The work conducted in this thesis proved that this coating approach is a viable solution to the memory effect problem, given that the results are reproducible, and that the quality of the coating is maintained over time.

The Devils Lake defection of 2005 demands a re-evaluation of the venerable Boundary Waters Treaty (BWT) between Canada and the United States. Why was the long-successful water agreement unable to solve this relatively minor dispute? More importantly, given irregularities between theoretical assertions and institutional history, what theory of international relations best explains a cooperative agreement that spans a near-century? Due to the complexities of shared river systems, any theory that seeks to explain international cooperation must adequately encompass three separate sources of state motivation. First, it must explain the technical, basin-position-driven realities that affect state attitudes towards negotiations. Second, it must explain the longer-term strategic factors that can inspire states to accept immediate losses for subsequent gains. Finally, it must acknowledge domestic sources of influence and understand how these forces constrain the state vis-à-vis others. This paper argues that liberalism, as defined by Andrew Moravcsik, is the best theoretical candidate. This is proven by comparing interpretations of the BWT history through realist, neoliberal, constructivist, and liberal lenses. After identifying and examining each theory's strengths and weaknesses, liberalism emerges as the most holistic view and should be favoured as a primary explanatory theory. Liberalism's theoretical underpinnings – interest group politics – best handles the technical, strategic, and domestic influences that affect Canada-US water relations. Whether examining what prompted efforts to initiate a water-sharing agreement, explaining the agreement's final structure, determining the impetus for continued cooperation, or identifying the incentives to finally break from treaty obligations, liberalism provides the most satisfying solutions. Though derived from the Canada-US border relationship, liberalism's superiority is not limited to the North American watershed. Because the factors examined are common to all shared international river systems and the paper's results are scalable, this suggests that liberalism will continue to be the appropriate primary IR theory to employ when examining state decision-making regarding water-sharing agreements.