The complex social issue of domestic violence is a global problem. Its multifaceted impacts are devastating to those far beyond the immediate victim and perpetrator. On the islands of Trinidad and Tobago, domestic violence incidences are frequent. While customary, reactive intervention and research initiatives in Trinidad have focused mainly on women and children, curbing this social ill has been unsuccessful. This dissertation sought to balance the domestic violence equation by exploring Trinidadian men’s perspectives on this social issue and also sought to examine their perspectives on the concept of male marginalization in relation. Using a qualitative method of inquiry, the researcher collected data from a sample of twelve Trinidadian men; seven took part in one-on-one open-ended interview sessions, and the remaining five participated in a focus group. Two central research questions guided the study: (1) What are men’s perceived reasons about why Trinidadian men perpetrate domestic violence against women in Trinidad? (2) What are men’s perspectives on male marginalization and its influence on why men perpetrate domestic violence against women in Trinidad? The study found that the participants perceived Trinidadian men’s domestic violence perpetrating habits to be a result of several factors such as: a need to be in control, feel powerful and to demand respect; men’s inability to communicate feelings and emotions; childhood socialization experiences and lack of consequences for perpetrators. Additionally, male marginalization was perceived to be a result of women’s upward mobility in education, employment and income earning capabilities. Participants perceived male marginalization as contributory to men’s perpetration of domestic violence in Trinidad.

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Globally, people with paraplegia experience reduced participation in sport and physical activity (Blauwet, 2005). This physical inactivity is highly correlated to poor health outcomes, social isolation, and low levels of self-efficacy for people with paraplegia (Rolston, 2014). In Trinidad and Tobago, these rates of physical inactivity are disproportionately higher than rates in developed countries (Richardson, 2018). Interviews with leaders of disability organizations in Trinidad and Tobago revealed that there are limited opportunities for sport/physical activity for people with disabilities, attributed primarily to lack of funding, lack of legislation, and negative socio-cultural attitudes towards people with disabilities. Triathlon for All is a needs-based, evidence-based pilot program aimed at improving self-efficacy and improving overall quality of life for people with paraplegia in Trinidad and Tobago. Triathlon for All is a 12-week adapted triathlon training program with reflective discussion sessions, culminating in a competitive triathlon event. The program will be delivered through the Trinidad and Tobago Occupational Therapy Association (TTOTA). The results from this program will contribute to health promotion and advocacy efforts in Trinidad and Tobago, with the long-term aim of advancing equal rights and opportunities for persons with disabilities in Trinidad and Tobago.

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In this dissertation I argue that individuals' definitions of social justice, and their strategies for pursuing it, are structured by material and discursive conditions produced by specific state practices. In this study, based on multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork in the United States and Trinidad and Tobago, I explore this argument by examining the process by which the members of the National United Freedom Fighters (NUFF) resorted to violent political tactics and later abandoned them to adopt a state-sanctioned, self-funded development approach to their ongoing pursuit of social justice. The two different phases of the NUFF's social movement were led by the same actors, in the same impoverished region, with the same material development goals. Through comparative analysis of these two phases, and the material and discursive conditions characteristic of the two different historical moments in which they emerged, this study teases out the specific contextual variables that provoked the NUFF's initial commitment to and subsequent renunciation of violent political action. I argue that the transformation of the NUFF from a guerrilla force inspired by the promise of Marxist revolution into an NGO founded on principles of neoliberal subjectivity- self-help, participation in civil society, community-based volunteerism, market-oriented social reform, and spirituality (Rastafari)- was largely a consequence of material and discursive shifts produced by specific neoliberal governing practices instituted during and after the Structural Adjustment Program mandated by the International Monetary Fund in the mid-1980s. This investigation seeks to produce insights into the future of grassroots political action in the developing world by advancing anthropological understandings of the connections between culture, state practices, material conditions, and marginalized citizens' strategies for social change. / Anthropology

The thesis inquires into the role of the Christian Churches in the ethnic and communal conflicts of the Third World. Often times summoned to intervene, churches can instigate, ignore, or seek to reconcile the inter-communal tensions and strife which wreak havoc on the development of these societies. Church response to reconcile the rival claims of divergent ethnic communities is, however, not necessarily impelled purely by doctrinal directives. The institutional interests of the church as well as other priorities often qualify the role of the churches as peace-makers. Using empirical evidence from Fiji, Guyana, and Trinidad, the thesis focuses mainly on the conciliatory role of the churches in these conflicts. It seeks to ascertain whether the churches, over the years and in different cultural milieux, have evolved a body of experiential resources in resolving or assuaging these conflicts. In the end, the thesis attempts to answer the question whether there is or can be a Christian mode of ethnic conflict resolution.

Ce mémoire présente une analyse comparative exploratoire de la non-utilisation de l’appareil juridique étatique trinidadien en cas de conflit de travail pour les travailleurs migrants temporaires et les travailleurs trinidadiens au sein de French Touch Construction, filiale d’une entreprise française de construction à Port of Spain (Trinidad et Tobago). C’est à travers une perspective foucaldienne que sera examinée la question de la non-utilisation de l’appareil juridique étatique trinidadien en cas de conflit de travail. Cette non-utilisation de l’appareil juridique étatique est étudiée comme un effet des migrations internationales de travail, et ce, à l’encontre des travailleurs migrants (Sud et Nord) et des travailleurs locaux trinidadiens. Ainsi, je propose que nous assistons à une transformation des conditions de travail et des droits accordés aux employés trinidadiens et non pas uniquement à l’encontre des travailleurs temporaires migrants. En effet, le phénomène des migrations internationales de travail dégrade également le statut social de l’employé local qui est concurrencé par cette main-d’oeuvre étrangère, en provenance des pays du Sud ou du Nord et qu’il doit lui aussi être plus flexible et moins exigeant sur ses droits pour être inclus dans cette nouvelle économie du travail. / This research focuses on an exploratory comparative study on the non-accessibility to justice in labor dispute for temporary migrant workers and local workers, based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Port-Of-Spain (Trinidad and Tobago) in a French construction company named French Touch Construction. Building from Foucault's thought, I analyze the non-accessibility to justice as a negative effect of the international labor migrations on temporary migrant workers (North and South) and Trinidadian workers. As a result, I argue that the transformation of work and workers’ rights are not only an issue for temporary migrant workers but also for Trinidadian workers. Effectively, international labor migration involve competition between employees and thus deteriorate the social status of Trinidadian employees in the French Touch Company. Indeed, employees have to be more flexible and less demanding of their rights to be included in this new work economy. To sum it up, I suggest that the international labor migrations, which encourage the worker to perceive himself as a holder of limited rights, also favor a managerial conflict resolution that is unfavorable for the employee.

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<p>This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty. </p><p>To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era. </p><p>This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region. </p><p>This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.</p> / Dissertation