This study seeks to uncover the local social relations of unpaid overtime work of social workers working in non-profit social service organizations in Ontario. Previous research has identified unpaid overtime work performed by social workers as an ongoing labour issue. For example, Baines, MacKenzie Davis, & Saini (2009) found that 71% of social workers surveyed were ‘donating’ one-six hours of time to their jobs a day. Institutional ethnography is used as a theoretical and methodological framework for this inquiry. Accordingly, this research project focuses on uncovering knowledge about the social organization of unpaid overtime work. This knowledge may be useful for those seeking to make specific changes to the organization of the work of social workers to further prevent or eliminate unpaid overtime work. During this study, three Ontario social workers were interviewed about their jobs and unpaid overtime, and provided further written information over email. One particular account of a problematic, or topic for IE research, was not formulated in this thesis as originally intended. However, three accounts of the everyday experience of unpaid overtime work of social workers are presented and could each be used to formulate a problematic for future IE research into this topic. Potential threads of ruling which are visible in the local setting are discussed, with particular emphasis on the ruling relations of non-payment of overtime work. Other potential threads of ruling identified and discussed include the social organization of ‘an endless workload’ and the social organization of social work ethics. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW) / Recent research in Ontario has demonstrated that many social workers who work for non-profit organizations such as government social services or community-based non-profits regularly perform unpaid overtime work. The objective of this study was to understand more about how social workers come to work unpaid overtime hours at their jobs in non-profit social service organizations. To accomplish this, Institutional Ethnography (IE) was used as a theoretical and methodological framework for research. IE is a critical sociology which is used to uncover the social organization of a part of every day life, rather than knowledge about the people who experience it. Studying this research topic contributes to the knowledge of those seeking improved labour justice for social workers. The information discovered in the course of this research about how unpaid overtime work comes to happen for social workers can be useful for those trying to change and prevent unpaid overtime work.

This thesis looks at the immigration status differentials in time allocation to household work, value of household work, and determinants of participation rate in household work. In determining the time allocated to household work by immigration status, the data provided by General Social Survey (GSS) Circle 12 Individual Information Survey, on time spent on household work in Canada 1998 with about 6,944 respondents was used. Two methods of valuation of household unpaid work were used which were opportunity cost (before and after tax) and replacement cost. In deciding which method is best I recommend the use of replacement cost of valuing household work since GNP itself measures actual output produced. <p> In the study, I anticipated that an average immigrant spends more time in household work than an average Canadian and that an average female generally allocates more time to household work than an average male based on socio-economic factors determining household unpaid work as seen in Gronau (1977) and Becker (1965). As expected, the results show that an average female allocates more time to household work than an average male and the difference is statistically significant. An average immigrant and Canadian allocate the same amount of time to household work. However, in maintenance and repairs, the results show that males participation rate is higher than females and an average Canadian participation rate in maintenance and repairs is higher than the immigrant with statistically significant difference. When other variables were introduced into the model using probit method of estimation, it was observed that there is no significant difference in participation rates between Canadians and immigrants.

This thesis looks at the immigration status differentials in time allocation to household work, value of household work, and determinants of participation rate in household work. In determining the time allocated to household work by immigration status, the data provided by General Social Survey (GSS) Circle 12 Individual Information Survey, on time spent on household work in Canada 1998 with about 6,944 respondents was used. Two methods of valuation of household unpaid work were used which were opportunity cost (before and after tax) and replacement cost. In deciding which method is best I recommend the use of replacement cost of valuing household work since GNP itself measures actual output produced. <p> In the study, I anticipated that an average immigrant spends more time in household work than an average Canadian and that an average female generally allocates more time to household work than an average male based on socio-economic factors determining household unpaid work as seen in Gronau (1977) and Becker (1965). As expected, the results show that an average female allocates more time to household work than an average male and the difference is statistically significant. An average immigrant and Canadian allocate the same amount of time to household work. However, in maintenance and repairs, the results show that males participation rate is higher than females and an average Canadian participation rate in maintenance and repairs is higher than the immigrant with statistically significant difference. When other variables were introduced into the model using probit method of estimation, it was observed that there is no significant difference in participation rates between Canadians and immigrants.

The purpose of this study was to determine the degree of relationship between selected socio-economic factors and the average monthly unpaid credit card balance subject to a finance charge. The socio-economic factors chosen were: 1) family and per capita income; 2) education of husband; 3) education of wife; 4) gainful employment of wife; 5) amount of savings; and 6) number of children. The sample consisted of 80 couples, married in the year 1971, currently residing in the Logan, Utah, area. A questionnaire was used to measure the six variables. The statistical tests used were the chi square and the gamma analysis. It was found that the six variables tested had no significant relationship upon the amount of the average monthly unpaid credit card balance.

An improved understanding of the costs of diseases is obtained by conducting a case study of the costs associated with end stage renal disease (ESRD). In estimating the costs of ESRD, the costs incurred by both patients and their primary unpaid caregivers are calculated. Most economic studies of the costs of diseases ignore either the patients’ or unpaid caregiver side, focusing on one or the other. From a theoretical standpoint, it is shown unpaid caregiving lowers the costs of diseases to society. Unpaid caregiver lowers the cost, because for unpaid caregiving to occur, the net benefits of unpaid caregiving must be lower than the net benefits of hiring a paid caregiver. Using patients and their primary caregivers at the Gambro Dialysis Center in College Station, Texas as a case study, estimated total ESRD costs range from $84,000 to $121,000 / year / case. The distribution of these costs is positively skewed. Of the total costs, approximately 2% to 25% can be attributed to unpaid caregiving. Excluding direct medical costs in total ESRD costs, unpaid caregiving is 14% to 65% of total ESRD costs. Consideration of unpaid caregiving costs is, therefore, an important component of the costs of diseases. These estimates are conservative as the costs associated with lifestyle changes and health effects are noted, but no monetary value is placed on them. Results also indicate the patients’ and caregivers’ perception of the quantity of caregiving varies. An alternative water supply system to improve the efficiency of water supply systems taking into account water pricing, marketing, and treatment costs is proposed. This system treats and supplies water differently depending on the source of the water and if the end-use of the water is a potable or non-potable use, then may reduce treatment costs. Decreased treatment costs may make more stringent water standards more affordable. More stringent water standards may cause a decrease in the risk of water-related diseases including ESRD induced by water-borne toxins. Reducing the risk of ESRD will reduce society’s costs associated with chronic illnesses. Possible benefits and costs of the proposed system are discussed, but not calculated.

Yes / Introduction We examined 3-month service use and costs of care for people with mild-to-moderate dementia in Great Britain. Methods We analyzed Improving the experience of Dementia and Enhancing Active Life cohort study baseline data on paid care, out-of-pocket expenditure, and unpaid care from participants with dementia (N = 1547) and their carers (N = 1283). In regression analyses, we estimated per-group mean costs of diagnostic and sociodemographic subgroups. Results Use of services apart from primary and outpatient hospital care was low. Unpaid care accounted for three-quarters of total costs (mean, £4008 [standard error, £130] per participant). Most participants (87%) received unpaid care equating to 36 hours weekly. Estimated costs for people with Parkinson's dementia were £8609, £4359 for participants with mixed dementia, and £3484 for those with Alzheimer's disease. Total costs were lower for participants with dementia living alone than living with others (£2484 vs. £4360); costs were lower for female than for male participants (£3607 vs. £4272). Discussion Costs varied by dementia subtype, carer status, and living arrangement. Policy makers should recognize the high costs of unpaid care for people with dementia, who do not always get the support that they need or would like to receive. / The first phase of the IDEAL program was funded jointly by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC, United Kingdom) and the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR, United Kingdom) through grant ES/L001853/2. “Improving the experience of dementia and enhancing active life: living well with dementia”.

Yes / The drivers of costs of care for people with dementia are not well understood and little is known on the costs of care for those with rarer dementias. To characterise use and costs of paid and unpaid care over time in a cohort of people with dementia living in Britain. To explore the relationship between cohort members’ demographic and clinical characteristics and service costs. Methods: We calculated costs of health and social services, unpaid care, and out-of-pocket expenditure for people with mild-to-moderate dementia participating in three waves of the IDEAL cohort (2014-2018). Latent growth curve modelling investigated associations between participants’ baseline sociodemographic and diagnostic characteristics and mean weekly service costs. Results: Data were available on use of paid and unpaid care by 1537 community-dwelling participants with dementia at Wave 1, 1199 at Wave 2, and 910 at Wave 3. In models of paid service costs, being female was associated with lower baseline costs and living alone was associated with higher baseline costs. Dementia subtype and caregiver status were associated with variations in baseline costs and the rate of change in costs, which was additionally influenced by age. Conclusion: Lewy body and Parkinson's disease dementias were associated with higher service costs at the outset, and Lewy body and frontotemporal dementias with more steeply increasing costs overall, than Alzheimer’s disease. Planners of dementia services should consider the needs of people with these relatively rare dementia subtypes as they may require more resources than people with more prevalent subtypes. / The first phase of the IDEAL program was funded jointly by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC, United Kingdom) and the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR, United Kingdom) through grant ES/L001853/2.

African Americans suffer disproportionately higher incidence of congestive heart failure (CHF) at an earlier age of onset and with more rapid progression compared to other races. Due to this escalating prevalence of CHF within the African American population and the lack of culturally responsive support for the caregiving role, African American family caregivers of adult CHF patients face greater challenges and suffer increased caregiver burden, stress, depression, and financial strain compared to European American caregivers. The purpose of this project was to conduct a systematic literature review to find the recommendations that target African American family caregivers of adult CHF patients. The Joanna Briggs Institute model for systematic review (JBIM-SR), and the caregiver stress theory proposed by Tsai, guided this project. A review of multiple databases yielded 118,078 articles. After removal of duplicates and exclusion of articles not consistent with the purpose of the review, 1 article was selected. A second reviewer completed an independent search of the databases using the same exclusion/inclusion criteria and identified the same review. The selected article was analyzed and graded using the JBIM-SR grading tools. Family Heart Failure Home Care, a telephone coaching intervention adapted to the cultural preferences of the African American family caregivers of adult CHF patients, was suggested as an effective culturally sensitive intervention. Results of this project can promote positive social change by improving the care and well-being of the African American community. Nurses at the project site can use the findings to provide evidence-based care to the African American family caregivers of adult CHF patients.

The patterns of paid and unpaid work adopted by migrants families with dependent children are more or less similar to that of prevailing working pattern of men and women of Australian born couples. A case study with 28 couple families, 14 husbands and 14 wives who migrated from Nepal under "skill" or "professional" category and the literature review on paid and unpaid work of couple families with dependent children show that in both families the trend of change of working pattern in paid and unpaid work is similar. With the increased participation of married women in the paid labour force, men increased participation in household work. There is increased household work for both husbands and wives, but women tend to do more household "inside" and childcare work than men. In the mean time, men tend to do more work in the "masculine" sphere of "outside" work in house maintenance, repair and car care. The only factor that differentiates working pattern of migrant families with Australian born families is the experience of migration and the category that they migrated. The change of working practice of paid and unpaid work of migrant families are affected by the change of family type from extended family to two generational family and their education and previous work experience that they brought along with them. Professional migrants who migrated family as a "unit" migrated spouse and dependent children together and they made their own decision to migrate, unlike other categories of migrants who migrated from political or economic pressure. One of the important experiences of migrant families is that there are new opportunity, new lifestyle, new intimacy and companionship and new sharing of work between husbands and wives after migration. At the same time, there are losses of extended family relatives, close friends and cultural event which affects their day to day lives. There are Australian based friends who provided support in the initial period of migration but these families do not provide regular assistance or support which family relatives provided in Nepal.

Why do people work in the voluntary sector? Is the sector distinct, with characteristics that differentiate it from the private and public sectors? Is it important to consider the existence of the so-called ‘third sector’ when analysing behaviour in the labour market? Is altruism really an important motivation for workers in this sector? This dissertation is concerned specifically with the labour market in the voluntary sector: that is, workers who are the paid employees of independent nonprofit organisations. Using a large, national dataset, we explore empirically the predictions of the economic theory of voluntary organisations. In particular, is there evidence for a ‘warm glow’, the extra utility that workers receive for working towards a goal that they share with their employer? Does this glow exist, and is it brighter in the voluntary sector? We examine in turn sector differences in wages, working hours, and find evidence that employment in the voluntary sector is significantly different in some characteristics from both the private and public sectors. The main economic theories of voluntary sector wage-setting rely on some formulation of ‘warm glow’ utility or intrinsic motivation derived from working for an organisation with a mission shared by motivated employees. This leads to a prediction of lower wages in the voluntary sector. The empirical findings in the existing literature have focussed on US data, and the results have been mixed. Using pooled cross-sectional and panel datasets based on UK employment data between 1997 and 2007, we show that there is some evidence of warm-glow wage discounts in the sector for male workers, but that these wage differences have been eroded as the sector has grown. Although there is not a significant sector wage difference found for women, there is evidence that they have also experienced faster wage growth in the voluntary sector than the private. There are significant sector differences in working hours within the Health & Social Work industries, particularly in overtime working. Workers in the voluntary sector work more hours of unpaid overtime, whilst those in the private sector work more hours of paid overtime. Controlling for overtime hours has a significant effect on sector wage differentials. In particular, accounting for unpaid overtime results in evidence of a warm-glow wage discount for female workers. We analyse this data at a time when the sector has been growing dramatically, driven by government policy to reform public services. Our findings suggest that this policy has had unintended consequences for the voluntary sector labour market.