Understanding how race shapes the lives of individuals and transforms institutions is central to social science. Yet, for many scholars, race is widely understood as a fixed and monolithic category that is resistant to manipulation. As a result, making causal claims about "immutable characteristics" such as race or ethnicity has been strongly discouraged by statisticians and experts of causal inference. In contrast to previous literature, I propose a different framework that, in some cases, reconciles race and causation. Using a lab experiment and observational data about the urban uprisings of the 1960s, I test whether racialized and politicized cues from a subordinate group (in this case, blacks) can change psychological, behavioral and attitudinal measures among a dominant group (in this case, whites). Looking at more than 750 violent protests that flared up in black neighborhoods across the United States, I examine whether increased exposure to signals of black unrest is associated with decreased support for the Democratic party. In the 1964, 1968, and 1972 presidential elections, I find a strong negative relationship between exposure to civil unrest and the county-level Democratic vote share. I find a similar negative relationship between exposure to violent protests and Democratic vote share in congressional elections between 1968 and 1972. Finally, I find that in counterfactual scenarios of fewer violent protests the Democratic presidential nominee, Hubert Humphrey, would have beaten the Republican nominee, Richard Nixon, in the 1968 election. In the lab experiment, I test how exposure to images of politicized and armed white and black men changes psychological, behavioral and attitudinal measures among subjects in the dominant (white) group. Methodologically, this study investigates the degree to which at least some aspects of race are better operationalized as variable, divisible, continuous and responsive to manipulation. Substantively, this experiment also attempts to assess the degree to which media representations of violence and politics might increase the salience of ethnic/racial identities, particularly in a dominant group. In the context of the 1960s urban uprisings, such a result might help explain why a significant subset of white voters switched away from the Democratic party, that had become identified with black interests, and towards candidates promising "law and order." / African and African American Studies

abstract: Michael Apple's scholarship on curriculum, educational ideology, and official knowledge continues to be influential to the study of schooling. Drawing on the sociological insights of Pierre Bourdieu and the cultural studies approaches of Raymond Williams, Apple articulates a theory of schooling that pays particular attention to how official knowledge is incorporated into the processes of schooling, including textbooks. In an effort to contribute to Apple's scholarship on textbooks, this study analyzed high school American history textbooks from the 1960s through the 2000s with specific attention to the urban riots of the late-1960s, sixties counterculture, and the women's movement utilizing Julia Kristeva's psychoanalytic concept of abjection to augment Apple's theory of knowledge incorporation. This combination reveals not only how select knowledge is incorporated as official knowledge, but also how knowledge is treated as abject, as unfit for the curricular body of official knowledge and the selective tradition of American history. To bridge the theoretical frameworks of incorporation and abjection Raymond Williams' theory of structures of feeling and Slavoj iek's theory of ideological quilting are employed to show how feelings and emotional investments maintain ideologies. The theoretical framework developed and the interpretive analyses undertaken demonstrate how textbook depictions of these historical events structure students' present educational experiences with race, class, and gender. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Educational Leadership and Policy Studies 2011

Urban riots have increased in the global-north in recent years. Previous research on riots identify causes and triggers, but also where they are more likely to happen. Rioters, residents and the police are commonly studied. Housing companies and related stakeholders with a long-term interest in the local environment are under-studied in relation to riots, but also the long-term effects. This thesis aims to contribute to an increased understanding of the long-term effects of riots. In doing so, literature on riots, neoliberalisation and Jacques Rancière’s understanding of politics synthesise the theoretical framework. The thesis is based on a case-study of the Stockholm 2013 riots including participatory observations and interviews of housing companies and other ‘long-term’ actors. Some established practices on ‘safety measures’ in public spaces have intensified, and to some degree extended, since the Stockholm riots. Simultaneously, safety as an overall objective frames most practices by the participants, and tend to be viewed as consensus. The participants, however, rarely recognise their own role in relation to the riots, in which it is concluded that urban riots are to be expected in the future unless they start recognising their own role in shaping the environment that they are trying to overcome.

This thesis aim to investigate the living conditions among marginalized habitants of suburbs in the Swedish welfare state. To approach an understanding of the complexity of marginalized urban areas, this thesis focus on studying the Stockholm suburb Husby in a context of the May riots 2013. The research method used is qualitative interviews with seven informants, who have a connection to the Husby area. The theories applied to the empirical material is Gösta Esping-Andersens theory on welfare state regimes and Loïc Wacquants theory on advanced marginality, also known as “The new urban poverty”. By observing the complexity of the Husby riots in a contextual aspect of the Swedish welfare state and the living situation in Husby, the analysis has shown that the Swedish welfare model is going through a changing process. This process means a shift from a social democratic welfare model towards a more liberal regime, with an increased privatization of public welfare and a focus on individual responsibility regarding the citizens own living conditions. Husby as an area is characterized by a low socioeconomic status, a high level of unemployment and poor school results. The growing market and the increasing focus on individual responsibility regarding decent living conditions, has excluded large groups of economically vulnerable habitants of Husby. Hereby, the welfare state has decreased its earlier caretaking of its citizens, and the changing welfare state has shaped a marginality in urban areas. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka livsvillkoren bland marginaliserade förortsbor i den svenska välfärdsstaten. För att uppnå en förståelse av denna komplexitet, fokuserar arbetet på Stockholmsförorten Husby i en kontext av de upplopp som ägde rum i maj 2013. Undersökningsmetoden är kvalitativa intervjuer med sju informanter. Samtliga har en koppling till Husbyområdet. Teorierna som appliceras på det empiriska materialet är Gösta Esping-Andersens teori om välfärdsstatsregimer samt Loïc Wacquants teori om avancerad marginalisering, även kallad ”Den nya urbana fattigdomen”. Analysen visar att den svenska välfärden genomgår en förändring. Denna förändring innebär en transformering från en socialdemokratisk modell mot en liberal regim, med en ökad privatisering av allmän välfärd samt ett fokus på individens eget ansvar i fråga om dess levnadsstandard. Husbyområdet präglas av en låg socioekonomisk status, en hög nivå av arbetslöshet samt dåliga skolresultat. Den växande marknaden har exkluderat stora grupper av ekonomiskt utsatta invånare i Husby. Välfärdsstaten har därmed minskat sitt tidigare omhändertagande av medborgarna, och denna förändring har skapat och format en marginalisering i urbana områden.