Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:57:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GabrielLPM_Pag1_ate_pag97.pdf: 4839877 bytes, checksum: 3d5fe7174441bcbf90a4b28c1edf1c0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-16 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The railroad, from 1870 and on, becomes an usual complaining in the press s and politician elite s speeches, especially because of Natal s geographic isolation. The implantation of two railroads in the capital territory Estrada de Ferro de Natal a Nova Cruz, afterwards part of Great Western Railway Company network, and Estrada de Ferro Central do Rio Grande do Norte had serious implications in the urban environment. While railroad s structures were already consolidated, other transportation mechanisms were being implanted in the first decades of the 20th century, such as trams lines, which, by the way, was a transport modal that also used rails as a dislocation meaning. Considering these questions, we may ask: how come railroads and tramways demands, roads and buildings had influenced the internal organization of Natal? We work with the general hypothesis that the influence of technical networks, composed by tramways and railroads, over Natal s urban space happened in a diversified way, sometimes consolidating social aspects in certain areas, sometimes improving the occupation of others. The impact over the city s territory also happens in a diversified way between the buildings/railroad s complexes and the pathways. The different scale of the train in comparison to the trams velocity, size, noise level, flow, among others is also a cause to the different consequences in urban environment. The main objective of this work is to understand the role of circulation technical networks in the construction process of urban space in Natal, as a way to contribute to the urban historiography about the subject. The time frame adopted, between 1881 and 1937, marks the time path of railroads and tramways in Rio Grande do Norte: 1881 is the year of railroad s first section inauguration from Natal to S?o Jos? do Mipibu as well of the railroad complex in the Republic Square in Natal; the year of 1937 marks the beginning of tramways declination process in the city. At this time railroads and tramways had to face more intensively the competition of motor vehicles. The theory reference adopted is based on concepts and analysis of authors, such as Fl?vio Villa?a and Roberto Lobato Corr?a references to the concepts of urban structure , localization and accessibility and Gabriel Dupuy to explain the concept of urban technical networks . These references reveal the conflict of different realities in the urban universe interests and values which is an important factor about the construction of urban space. The information sources used were from two distinctive natures: primary, journals of the time studied and official government reports, and secondary, based on other works about the subject. It was also used by this study iconographic source, especially images from the data base of the research group Hist?ria da Cidade, do Territ?rio e do Urbanismo . / A estrada de ferro, a partir de 1870, se torna uma reivindica??o recorrente nos discursos da imprensa e das elites pol?ticas, devido ao isolamento geogr?fico de Natal. A implanta??o das duas vias f?rreas que atendiam a capital a Estrada de Ferro de Natal a Nova Cruz, posteriormente encampada pela Great Western Railway Company, e a Estrada de Ferro Central do Rio Grande do Norte tiveram implica??es em seu ambiente urbano. Enquanto que as estruturas ferrovi?rias se consolidavam no ?mbito da cidade, outros mecanismos de transporte eram instalados durante a primeira d?cada do s?culo XX, como as linhas de bonde, que tamb?m se deslocavam por trilhos. Levando em conta essas quest?es, pode-se perguntar: como as ferrovias e os bondes suas demandas, caminhos e edifica??es influenciaram na organiza??o interna de Natal? Trabalhamos com a hip?tese geral de que a influ?ncia das redes t?cnicas compostas pelos bondes e pelas estradas de ferro sobre o espa?o intraurbano de Natal se deu de forma diversificada, ora consolidando aspectos s?cioespaciais de algumas ?reas, ora promovendo a ocupa??o de outras. O impacto sobre o territ?rio da cidade tamb?m se d? de maneira diversificada entre os edif?cios/complexos ferrovi?rios e os caminhos. A diferente escala existente entre o trem e o bonde velocidade, tamanho, n?vel de ru?do, fluxo, entre outros tamb?m ocasiona reflexos distintos no ambiente urbano. O objetivo principal deste trabalho ? o de compreender o papel das redes t?cnicas de circula??o na estrutura??o do espa?o intra-urbano, de forma a contribuir ? historiografia urbana que trata do assunto. O universo de estudo abrangido ? a cidade de Natal. J? o recorte temporal adotado, entre 1881 e 1937, marca temporalmente a trajet?ria das vias f?rreas e dos bondes no Rio Grande do Norte: em 1881 ? inaugurado o primeiro trecho de vias f?rreas no estado de Natal a S?o Jos? de Mipibu , bem como, o complexo ferrovi?rio na Pra?a da Rep?blica futura Augusto Severo , o ano de 1937 corresponde ao per?odo eminente do decl?nio dos bondes como sistema de transporte p?blico em Natal. Nesse per?odo, d?cada de 1930, as ferrovias e os bondes, apesar de estruturas consolidadas, passavam a enfrentar de maneira mais intensa a concorr?ncia oferecida pelos ve?culos automotores. O referencial te?rico adotado se baseia, sobretudo, nos conceitos e an?lises de autores como Fl?vio Villa?a e Roberto Lobato Corr?a refer?ncias para as concep??es de estrutura urbana , localiza??o , acessibilidade , entre outras e Gabriel Dupuy base para o entendimento da quest?o das redes t?cnicas urbanas . Essas refer?ncias revelam o conflito entre as realidades que comp?em o universo urbano interesses e valores , o que ? um fator determinante na estrutura??o do espa?o intra-urbano. As fontes utilizadas foram de duas naturezas distintas: prim?rias, tanto peri?dicos de ?poca, como mensagens e relat?rios oficiais de governo; e secund?rias, referentes ? revis?o bibliogr?fica realizada sobre os autores que tratam do tema em estudo. Tamb?m s?o utilizadas pelo estudo v?rias fontes iconogr?ficas, presentes no Grupo de Estudo Hist?ria da Cidade e do Urbanismo (HCUrb/DARQ) e levantadas a partir das pesquisas de campo realizadas

Depuis une vingtaine d'années, la plupart des villes européennes font face à un phénomène inédit et imprévu, la diminution de la consommation des différents réseaux techniques urbains, et en particulier des réseaux d'eau. Ce phénomène s'explique par des raisons diverses allant des améliorations techniques de l'électro-ménager à la désindustrialisation en passant par les changements de comportement des usagers ou le développement de politiques visant la sobriété et un usage modéré des ressources naturelles. Il s'agit cependant d'un symptôme plus que d'un processus en soi. Cette baisse de la consommation est en effet le révélateur de l'épuisement progressif du modèle traditionnel de gestion des (grands) réseaux qui a prévalu jusqu'ici et qui a reposé principalement sur une augmentation de la demande et une extension continue du réseau selon la logique du « toujours plus et toujours plus loin ». Cette érosion du modèle traditionnel confronte les opérateurs de grands réseaux à une forme nouvelle de vulnérabilité, que nous appelons la vulnérabilité infrastructurelle, et dont les effets touchent l'ensemble des composantes du réseau, de l'usager au tuyau en passant par l'opérateur. Notre travail pose pour hypothèse forte que ce changement de contexte et de régime de consommation n'est pas une simple parenthèse, mais correspond à l'émergence d'un nouveau mode de gestion du réseau. Il peut être lu comme une bifurcation infrastructurelle, à savoir une transformation radicale et pérenne des modalités de gestion du réseau pour les adapter à ce régime décroissant (de demande).Face à ce défi nouveau, les opérateurs de réseaux techniques urbains ont dû s'adapter, pour faire évoluer leur modèle économique et leur assise territoriale. Afin d'en saisir les ressorts, nous avons opté pour une immersion de plusieurs mois au sein des équipes de deux entreprises locales (publique et semi-publique) confrontées à ces questions de baisse de consommation avec plus ou moins d'intensité, un opérateur multi-services à l'Est de l'Allemagne (les Städtische Werke de Magdeburg) et un opérateur d'eau et d'assainissement dans le Sud de l'Espagne (la EMASESA à Séville).Notre approche, mêlant Science and Technologies Studies, écologie politique urbaine et études sur la décroissance urbaine, nous permet de montrer que le modèle émergent est encore à la recherche de stabilité mais que des lignes de force communes sont observables dans les différents cas étudiés. Les stratégies d'adaptation mises en place par les opérateurs ne reposent pas seulement sur des ajustements techniques ou des augmentations tarifaires visant à compenser les pertes liées aux volumes non consommés. Le changement de modèle de gestion s'articule ainsi non seulement autour de transformations techniques fortes (downsizing, resizing, recentralisation), mais aussi de transformations organisationnelles et de changements importants des rapports entre opérateur et usager. Les opérateurs ont ainsi modifié leur rôle pour devenir davantage que des pourvoyeurs de fluide : leur modèle économique a ainsi accompagné un déplacement des lieux de production de la valeur pour les opérateurs, désormais plus tournés vers les services et l'aval de la filière. Ce changement de modèle économique a également une dimension spatiale puisque l'on observe également une transformation des échelles de gestion des opérateurs. La recherche de nouvelles économies d'échelle donne lieu à une extension des aires géographiques gérées par ces opérateurs locaux et à de potentiels conflits avec les acteurs des territoires progressivement intégrés. Une nouvelle géographie des réseaux techniques urbains semble ainsi émerger, faite de nouvelles formes de redistribution et de nouvelles sources de conflictualités. Ces différentes évolutions permettent de compléter des travaux théoriques sur la firme locale d'infrastructures et les modèles d'évolution des réseaux en y intégrant la dimension d'un régime décroissant de la demande / Over the last twenty years, most European cities have had to face a new and unforeseen phenomenon, a reduction in the consumption levels of urban technical networks (and in particular water systems). The reasons for this phenomenon are numerous, from technical improvements of domestic appliances and deindustrialisation to changes in behaviours of users and the development of policies promoting sobriety and moderation in the use of natural resources. This is however a symptom of a larger process rather than a process per se. Indeed, declining consumption levels reveal the slow decay of the traditional model of management of urban networks, which has long relied on increasing demand associated with perpetual extension of the network. The erosion of this model is forcing network operators to confront a new form of vulnerability, which I term infrastructural vulnerability, the effects of which touch all components of a network, from users to pipes through operators and regulators. The thesis argues that this changing consumption regime is no single interlude, but rather constitutes the emergence of a new mode of network management. As such, it can be interpreted as an infrastructural bifurcation, i.e. a radical and durable transformation of network management as a means of adaptation to this regime of shrinking demand. To deal with this challenge, urban technical network operators have had to adapt and decided to transform both their business model and their territorial base. In order to grasp the rationales of these changes, I opted for a methodology involving being embedded for several months within two local firms facing this issue of diminished consumption with differing levels of intensity. The first is a multi-utility in the eastern part of Germany (Städtische Werke of Magdeburg), while the second is a water and sanitation operator in the south of Spain (EMASESA in Sevilla).My approach combines contributions from Science and Technology Studies (STS), urban political ecology and work on urban shrinkage to reveal that an emerging model of network management is yet to be fully stabilised, but that common adaptation strategies can be observed in both the cases. These strategies are not limited to technical adjustments or tariff increases to compensate the losses due to non-consumed volumes. The transformation in management model relies not only on major technical changes (such as downsizing, resizing or recentralisation of the network), but also on organisational shifts and new relations and arrangements between users and operators. Network operators have thus modified their role to become more than only suppliers of fluids. Their new business model has consequently reoriented production of value towards the development of services for users and the downstream part of the sector. This shift has a spatial dimension, as operators are also experiencing a form of rescaling of their management. The search for new economies of scale to preserve the stability of their socio-technical systems pushes them to extend their functional territories. This leads to potential conflicts with the local actors of the absorbed territories, but also to new forms of territorial solidarity and spatial redistribution. Systemic transformation thus sketches out a new geography of urban technical networks which advances work on local infrastructure firms and on network evolution by integrating the neglected configuration of a shrinking demand regime