Acting within the context of multiple constraints (site, budget, brief, clients, users, public policy and regulation), the urban designer is required to respond to various and sometimes conflicting interests in “ ... the symbolic attempt to express urban meaning in certain urban forms.” (Castells, 1983). In this complex situation some design decisions are determined by the inherited context. However, when a decision cannot be determined this way the designer must make a judgement. These may be made arbitrarily, but it is more likely that the individual uses, for example, experience, education, episodic knowledge, currently accepted paradigms of the field, or theories in urban design to form the bases of judgements, and subscription to them may be explicit or implicit. The research question this thesis addresses is: ‘In which ways might theory be used in the individual design process of urban design?’ Its aim is to explore ways in which theories in urban design influence the process of urban design and the extent to which they may inform design decisions in addition to the other constraints which a designer must consider. The objectives are: to review literature about the relationship between theory and design; to examine the role of theory in the individual creative process of urban design; and to reflect on the process of design in order to conclude how it was informed by theory. A review of literature about the design process and urban design theory considers the current state of knowledge. This provides the context for the investigation. An appraisal of research by design methodologies identifies an approach based upon Donald Schön’s ‘The Reflective Practitioner’ (1983) as a suitable means to address the aims of this research: This is executed through the generation of an urban design and accompanying commentary which records the design activity, followed by an analysis of and reflection on the design and commentary offering insights into the use of theory within the process. Since the research did not require a specific location for the design, a number of alternatives were considered. Croydon (in Greater London) was selected as a place with sufficient scope for an urban design intervention due to the current proposals being pursued by the local authority and the opportunities for redevelopment. The design process is in three sequential parts: a socio-economic, cultural and physical site evaluation; a development framework which is primarily two-dimensional and textual; and a masterplan which is a predominantly three-dimensional, short to medium term spatial possibility for part of the framework area. The commentary that accompanies the design process details each step in the process to build an evidence base of design activity. This describes the actions undertaken and the reasons for those actions. Each entry is then analysed retrospectively according to four categories determined by the interests of the research aim: the type of design activity; the type of influence acting upon it; whether this influence is explicit or implicit; and, where theory appears to have been an influence, what type of theory. Reflection on the urban design, commentary and analysis appears to indicate that theory’s influence in the creative process of urban design is distinctive, although it is subservient to a variety of other influences. Apparently, the more conceptual and strategic the stage of design, the more extensive and explicit theory’s influence is. It appears that in a conscious manner, a theory’s principles can be employed directly or interpreted in a new scenario. Conversely, the more spatial and detailed the stage of design, the more tacit and fragmented theory’s involvement appears to be. It is often implicit, embedded within the guiding principles that the individual designer exercises when generating and evaluating ideas, evidenced in the thought processes and decisions that are made. While these findings are specific to an individual and the way that individual designs and evaluates the design process, they do confirm the use of theory in the urban design process and may act as indicators of trends in the relationship between theory and practice in urban design.

This thesis concerns the practice of ‘psychogeography’ in London, England, and the ways in which psychogeographic writings provoke in city-dwellers an acute sense of disorientation, as though the everyday were otherworldly. My study is intended as a response to Guy Debord’s claim that ‘psychogeography’ investigates “the precise laws […] of the geographical environment” on “the emotions and behaviour of individuals” (Debord qtd. in Coverley 88): any revolutionary enterprise must point to the future, the very notion of which can only be imprecise and un-empirical – psychogeography is not necessarily an exception. I argue that for Alan Moore and Iain Sinclair, the psychogeographic imperative is rather to imagine the implosion of Londonscape as it is well known, since only spatial structures that thus unravel may offer mystical insights that are, as yet, unspoiled by neoliberal/Thatcherite politics and the accompanying ambition to re-vamp English history in a nostalgic light. This study presents psychogeography not simply as a strategy of political resistance but as a visceral and metaphysical experience; it draws upon SF theories of worlding and the philosophical notion of Dasein to address some concerns that have arisen in post-imperial Britain, such as the desire to define English identity, i.e., ‘Englishness.’ / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation studies Alan Moore’s and Iain Sinclair’s use of psychogeography to examine the city of London. Psychogeography is an implosive, fragmented writing style that estranges the meaning of the urban everyday. Subject to psychogeographic depiction, London becomes a city altogether foreign, if not to say fantastical. I argue that psychogeography is both a strategy of political resistance and a visceral experience – one that could influence common ways of reading English history and culture (i.e. ‘Englishness.’)

The orthogonal, or rectangular, grid plan arose out of a need to organize the sprawling cities of Ancient Greece. To one particularly enigmatic figure in history, this problem was met with a blueprint and a philosophy. The ancient city-planner known as Hippodamus of Miletus (c. 480-408 BCE) was more of a philosopher than an architect, but his erudite connections and his idealistic theories provided him with numerous opportunities to experiment with the design that has come to bear his name. According to Aristotle, he was commissioned by the city of Athens to redesign its port-city, the Piraeus, and it is likely that he later followed a Pan-Hellenic expedition to an Italic colony known as Thurii (Thourioi). Strabo argues that the architect was also present at the restructuring of the city of Rhodes; however there is some debate on this issue. Hippodamus’ blueprint for a planned, districted city soon came to define the Greek polis in the Classical period, culminating with Olynthus in the Chalcidice, but his ideas were by no means unique to his own mind. There are precedents for the grid plan not only within the large, administrative empires of the Near East, but also within the Greek colonies of the Mediterranean, whose own histories span at least two centuries before Hippodamus’ lifetime. Since the 19th century, when Hippodamus received his title as the ‘Father of Urban Planning’, confusion and mistranslations have plagued the discipline, casting doubt on nearly every facet of Greek urbanism. Although he could not have invented the orthogonal grid plan, as Aristotle claims, it may prove far more effective to focus instead on Hippodamus’ philosophy and to give voice to where he himself excelled: the theoretical side to city planning. / Graduate / 0999 / 0579 / 0324 / aidanbk@uvic.ca

This study offers an analysis of the interaction between urban spaces and bohemian literature in Madrid around 1900. I argue that bohemianism and bohemian literature are actually part of a very well structured cultural discourse--a discourse of social resistance--and must be studied as such. At the same time, the obvious urban nature of this phenomenon is a deciding aspect of it. In order to know how the bohemian discourse evolved in Madrid from 1850s to 1920s--from Realism to Modernismo--we have to study the core and reciprocal relationship between bohemianism and the city. This issue has not yet been explored within Hispanism, in spite of the fact that it provides a very useful perspective for considering the period as a synthesis of intellectual and artistic matters.In my dissertation I engage the essential aspects of bohemianism in the turn of the twentieth century Spanish literature. I focus on the characterization and use of space in the bohemian discourse of Peninsular Modernismo. My starting point is the description and characterization of such a discourse as it has been constructed, analyzing how it takes form in a variety of different kind of texts. I study the construction and evolution of its "cartographic imaginary" (David Harvey), an image of the city that bohemian literature uses to resist the bourgeois order imposed on Madrid's urban spaces and the capitalistic process that supports it. I argue that bohemianism was taken by the peninsular version of Hispanic Modernismo as its central aesthetic discourse. Consequently, and because of the subaltern and marginal nature of it, Modernismo could never position itself at the central stage of the 1900s Spanish culture.

« L’urbanisation ruralisée », présente dès les premiers écrits d’Ildefonso Cerdá (1815-1876), occupe dans son oeuvre une place grandissante, au point de faire l’objet d’un traité qui ne nous est malheureusement pas parvenu. A travers ce concept, l’ingénieur catalan, connu pour son plan d’extension de Barcelone, entend d’une part, dans une perspective hygiéniste, assainir la ville en y systématisant les espaces verts, d’autre part penser l’extension urbaine et désenclaver le territoire espagnol par le biais d’une urbanisation totale où la frontière entre villes et campagnes disparaîtrait. La présente thèse retrace la genèse de cette notion en revenant sur le parcours de Cerdá, sur l’émergence de ce qu’il appelle lui-même « l’idée urbanisatrice » et sur la manière dont elle fut mise en oeuvre à Barcelone, sous la forme si caractéristique du quartier de l’Eixample. En voulant adapter la ville contemporaine aux exigences de la société industrielle, dont l’essence est le mouvement, Cerdá emprunte la « voie romaine » en puisant son inspiration dans l’Antiquité : l’organisation territoriale qu’il préconise, basée sur l’étalement urbain, l’habitat dispersé, l’orthogonalité et l’homogénéité de l’espace – ce que recouvre précisément la notion d’« urbanisation ruralisée » – réactualise en effet les modèles antiques d’occupation et de colonisation de l’espace. L’analyse de ce concept invite donc à porter un nouveau regard sur Barcelone et sur son extension, certes synonyme de modernité voire de modernisme, mais dont les principes viennent paradoxalement de la campagne et du passé. L’évolution de « l’idée urbanisatrice » vers « l’urbanisation ruralisée » étant particulièrement perceptible dans les deux premiers livres de la Théorie générale de l’urbanisation (1867), une traduction en est proposée en annexe, afin de permettre au lecteur francophone d’éprouver par lui-même la richesse d’une pensée encore largement méconnue. / The notion of “ruralized urbanization”, present in Ildefonso Cerdá’s (1815-1876) first writings, plays a more and more important role in his work. At the end of his life, it also was the subject of a treaty that never reached us. With this concept, the Catalan Engineer, known for his plan of the extension of Barcelona, aims, in a hygienist perspective, to improve health conditions in the city by the introduction of a green system. He also wants to think the urban development and the opening up of Spanish territory by a total urbanization that would transcend boundaries between rural and urban spaces. This thesis attempts to trace the genesis of this concept by exploring Cerda’s life, the advent of the “urbanization idea” and the manner in which it was achieved in Barcelona, in the so typical form of the Eixample area. Whilst intending to adapt the contemporary city, based on the movement, to the industrial society needs, Cerdá takes the roman road, inspired by the Antiquity. The territorial organization he recommends, based on urban spreading, orthogonal structure and space uniformity – what “ruralized urbanization” really means – gives an up-to-date dimension to the ancient models of space occupation and colonisation. This analysis of this concept encourages a new view on Barcelona and on its extension, surely synonymous of modernity and modernism, but which principles come ironically from the countryside and from the past. Considering the evolution of the “ruralized urbanization” is the very subject of the two first parts of the General theory of urbanization (1867), a translation into French is given in the appendix, what could allow to a francophone reader to experiment the depth of a still unrecognized thinking by himself.

The transformation of cities through gentrification and the commodification of culture and green space are central problems in Urban Studies. This thesis investigated how cities like Stockholm can move forward from this gentrification. The perspective of relational placemaking was taken, as this can occur both top-down via actions of urban planners and bottom-up by the organization of local residents. The SoFo neighbourhood on the island of Södermalm in central Stockholm is a rich example of gentrification and hipster urbanism. This research investigates the meaning of SoFo today, over 20 years after it was first named. The analysis was organized using the relational placemaking framework of Pierce and colleagues. To summarize, the problem or conflict was gentrification and this was illustrated for SoFo using data. Gentrification occurred after 2001 and the rapid rise in property value, a 20% turnover of people and the Swedish middle class demographics each confirm the gentrification noted by others. With this problem established, theplace frame of the current identity of SoFo was what the actors interacted around and what was considered as the response to gentrification. The initial placemaking of SoFo rested on a strong identity that was both radical and carefree and respondents tended to look back with nostalgia to the 90s when the area was the centre of the Stockholm music scene. The brand of SoFo was mainly produced grassroots through local residents and businesses without specific top-down actions from the city government. The two actors explored were real estate and small businesses. Real estate could encourage gentrification through the discourse in the ads and selective marketing to wealthy gentrifiers that appreciated quality and could afford it. Looking at final sale prices from abehavioural perspective, people were willing to pay for living in SoFo and paid more to be near areas like Nytorget with its liveliness. However, realtors claimed that SoFo also offers relaxation or peace and quiet, which rebrands away from the established carefree identity. Looking then at the small businesses, evidence was provided that indicated a strategy against gentrification. Many businesses focused on small scale handicraft or providing places for their friends and local community. Some were even not interested in a profitable business plan and acted on purpose to make their place uncool, to avoid attracting trendy hipsters that would displace their clientele. Small businesses were also rebranding SoFo, expressing that the carefree and relaxed identity is there if one looks away from trendy Nytorget. The defensive strategy of the small businesses was subtle and unusual and led the author to the following, somewhat informal analogy: SoFo is playing dead until the bear of gentrification moves on to another neighbourhood. This strategy understands theinterconnectivity of trendy, authentic shops, raised rents and gentrification.

Master of Science / Department of Architecture / R. Todd Gabbard / In recent years urban planners have seen critical changes in the scales, pace, and trends of urbanization, resulting in suppressed urban patterns and the emergence of distinctive types of urban dynamics. A possible interpretation of this process is that it represents a “radical socio-spatial restructuring under the regime of global neoliberalization”, a phenomenon that is being widely discussed by many influential planners, urban geographers, and sociologists. My overarching research agenda is to develop a new analytical framework for comparative quantitative analyses of neoliberal urbanization pressures that cause the emergence of distinct patters of urban dynamics and morphologies. By comparing different experiences of ongoing urban transformations around the world and studying the mechanisms of their emergence, we can identify contemporary trends, monitor critical changes and shape a better future for our cities. Using China as a basis of comparison, my thesis seeks to challenge the unproductive and homogeneous patterns of urban dynamics that emerged during neoliberalization in Russia. The controversial and extremely heterogeneous model of Chinese urbanization cannot be applied universally, but valuable lessons can be derived. My work aims to explore specifics of two different patterns of neoliberal transitions in Moscow (Russia) and Shenzhen (China) in 1992 and 1978 respectively. By focusing on detailed scales of restructuring of urban settlement typologies I identify the characteristics of socio-spatial patterns prior to confronting the transition and its resulting outcomes. While considering potential context specific properties of East Asian urbanization, I am making an attempt to extrapolate this vernacular experience into generalized theory. Connecting and quantifying local and global dimensions of urban transformations helps me build a comprehensive theoretical and quantitative framework for a more profound understanding of ongoing socio-spatial restructuring.

This exploratory research project explores the production and use, and subsequent closure and eviction of the community-designed and managed Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford – a predominantly working-class area in south-east London. This community garden played a key role in the lives of many local residents and its closure and subsequent demolition to make way for a large housing project drew a significant backlash from local residents which included protests, law-suits, and the occupation of the garden itself. Why this small, half-acre community garden garnered such a notable response is the main focus of and motivation for this research project. Using a combined-methods approach consisting of semi-structured interviews and participant observation, this research investigates what it was about Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden which resulted in this backlash, and why the local council’s decision to close it drew such a militant revolt from local community members. Combining the empirical results of this research with a deep inquiry into the concepts of space and power within urban theory, this thesis seeks to understand the rights working-class communities have to contribute to the production of public green space, and how such community-led contribution can impact on the space produced, both inside and outside the context of Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden and its former users.

This thesis examines the Grand Paris Express project currently underway in the Île-de-France. The basis of this project is a series of new and renovated railway lines to connect and span across the entirety of the region. They are being planned with the hopes to improve urbanization for the outlying suburbs. The Île-de-France is the wealthiest region in France, but it has high economic inequality between its departments. One hard hit area is Seine-St-Denis. This is the area I will be focusing primarily on. Department number 93, its urban landscape holds histories of rioting, unemployment, and large immigrant populations. In its underdeveloped growth, residents are calling for socio-spatial justice. Professor of Urban and Regional planning Edward Soja (1980) coins this as a “social-spatial dialectic” (208), where any given space is inherently political. Currently, residents in Department 93 are engaged in this “dialectic”, taking action by means of redefining the places where they live. In addition to demands for spatial equality is a more complex and hidden protest: the demand from marginalized citizens for an adjusted French ideology with respect to national identity. In their spatial marginalization, groups are contesting the egalitarian claims of the state based on where they live. I explore the historical significance of the Seine-St-Denis department in the Île-de-France’s urbanizing efforts. This thesis argues that planning for the Grand Paris Express represents the effects of a new French identity in formation. But while Paris is being recreated to accommodate those living in the outer communes, an anti-immigrant state narrative is also resulting in reformed urban planning in an existing discriminatory French ideology. However, as I plan to prove later in my research, the Grand Paris Express will provide more social access for France’s marginalized citizens.

Harbor developments have been realized in several European cities over the last years, becoming an important topic in the field of urban and regional planning. Despite their presence in innumerous sites with unlike contexts and backgrounds, those developments look pretty similar in terms of design and form. Are we witnessing the born of a generic and similar city? The aim of this paper is to investigate how similar are these areas and their positive or negatives effects upon the existing cities. Through a review on the main urban theories of the twentieth century it is possible to identify what are the contemporaneous trends in urban planning and how they have been employed in harbor developments. Four case studies were selected to illustrate these similarities, two almost completed: Dublin Docklands and Hamburg HafenCity, and two newly ones: Stockholm Norra Djurgårdsstaden and Copenhagen Nordhavnen. The findings indicated the case-studies share several similarities in terms of discourse, implementation strategy, sustainability, publicity and as well social and income inequalities. Contemporaneous urban discourse preaches for diversity which it is still far to be reached by the case-studies