This study analyzes the production of Voice Onset Time (VOT) of natural Spanish-English bilinguals. VOT is a linguistic characteristic that measures the amount of aspiration occurring after the release of a stop consonant. In terms of VOT, English stop consonants differ substantially from their Spanish equivalents. This study analyzes whether or not natural bilinguals produce VOTs that approximate VOTs of monolingual speakers of each language. Participants completed two surveys to quantify their linguistic dominance in English and Spanish. They were then recorded performing similar speaking tasks in both languages. The conclusions show that natural bilinguals do not produce their English or Spanish VOTs within the monolingual norms defined in previous studies. If conclusions were to be drawn solely from this data, then the participants would theoretically have no monolingual-like language production of VOT. There is also no correlation between language dominance scores and production of VOT. These results support the conclusion that a natural bilingual is not the equivalent of two natural monolingual speakers. Significant correlations exist between VOT production and gender, age of learning English, and amount of time spent watching TV in each language. Another interesting conclusion is that many of the participants score more Spanish-dominant when a survey is given in Spanish and more English-dominant when the very same survey is given in English. This shows that even the language of a survey may skew responses slightly.

This thesis employs the use of Carol Bacchi's "What's the problem represented to be?"(WPR) approach and sets out to analyze the articulation of sexual harassment in fifteenexisting and current US academia policies. The analysis was completed within the broaderframework of gender theories including radical feminism and intersectionality, examininghow patriarchal systems can or cannot influence the development and application of policydocuments within the context of gender and law. This thesis explores the real and impactfulimplications of policy interventions and scrutinizes the position of sexual harassment being agender-neutral issue and not a gendered one.

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Since the start of the Iraq conflict, world-renowned security expert Paul Rogers has produced a series of monthly reports scrutinising developments in the occupation and the Iraqi response to it, drawing on the unique range of contacts and material available to the prestigious Oxford Research Group. They have become the standard source material for journalists, policymakers and campaigners writing about Iraq. Now, for the first time, Paul Rogers has brought these reports together to provide a detailed and authoritative analysis of the last year in Iraq. A disturbing picture emerges, in which coalition forces repeatedly misread the direction of the insurgency, in which radical groups gain strength through the ongoing (and underreported) loss of civilian lives at the hands of the occupying forces, and in which the US's determination to secure the Persian Gulf's oil and gas resources lock it further and further into a destructive, intractable, and ultimately counter-productive war in the Middle East. Concisely-written and highly accessible, "Iraq and the War on Terror" is an indispensable book for anyone interested the Middle East, US foreign policy and international security. Its conclusions about the extent of the damage caused by the war, and how long the occupation looks set to last, will send shockwaves through policymakers in the US and the UK alike.

<p> A conventional view of events in contemporary Iraq since 1990 suggests that there were two wars in 1991 and 2003 between Iraq and a US/UK led cohort of countries separated by an interval of relative peace marked by the imposition of economic sanctions on the country. This dissertation proposes an alternative view, arguing that the war with Iraq was one continuous war that began in 1991 and ended in 2003, followed by what is correctly called "belligerent occupation". A process oriented model of violence bridges two divergent literatures in the field of Anthropology-the anthropology of war and the ethnography of violence-and acts as a lens with which to see war with greater definition; and subsequently, to see that there was but one war with Iraq. The understanding ofviolence I propose illuminates the substance and process of war and is articulated through a careful analysis of three realms of violence. The Physical Realm is where harm is done to the bodies of individuals. This realm exists in the immediate context of the Network Realm, where violence is embedded in social institutions and processes. The Network Realm is in turn sustained by the Symbolic Realm, where violence is enmeshed in broader cultural symbol systems that have the power to create and sustain an ethos in which harm towards others is enabled. Each of these realms contributes to the creation and sustenance of war, yet the symbolic realm remains the primary key to enabling violence in both network and physical realms. Each realm of violence is illustrated in this dissertation by examples from the US/UK - IRAQ War, 1991-2003, drawn from my experience of living in the country and extensive historical research. The argument of this dissertation imposes a different structure on how the course of events now unfolding in the geographical region of Southwest Asia is understood. In this narrative there is a series of escalating stages. A long-standing conflict between the governments of Iraq and Kuwait was escalated when the Government of Iraq occupied the country of Kuwait in 1990. When a cohort of countries led by the US government intervened in the occupation of Kuwait, the conflict escalated into a state of war which lasted until 2003. Eventually that war was ended by yet another occupation; this time, however, it was the country of Iraq that was occupied. At the time of completing this dissertation there is a great deal of internal resistance to the occupation of the country-the contours of how it will finally unfold remain uncertain.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Nahost-Strategie der USA und militärische Optionen gegen das Nuklearprogramm des Iran - Zwei Beiträge.:Zur Bewertung militärischer Optionen gegen das Nuklearprogramm des Iran. - Zwei Autorenbeiträge: ● Hermann Hagena: Militärische Optionen gegen das Nuklearprogramm des Iran. ● Ernst Woit: Der Iran in der Nahost-Strategie der USA.

Yes / For the past 7 seven years the so-called Ad Hoc Group had been mandated to negotiate a legally binding verification and compliance Protocol to strengthen the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention. In this video we asked Nicholas A. Sims whether it was the intention of the United States to put forward a proposal during the course of the Review that was intended to terminate the work of the Ad Hoc Group and its mandate.

In the last 12 years, since the devastating attack on the United States Twin Towers on September 11, 2001, the global community has become increasingly wary. The continuing terrorism on July 7, 2005 on the United Kingdom subway system increased tensions between citizens and immigrants in these countries. I use these two countries to examine the consequences effects that these terrorist attacks have had on, in particular, the Muslim immigrant population. In addition to that, I use Germany as a control, since it has not faced a major terrorist attack, yet has a substantial Muslim immigrant population. In the United States and United Kingdom, I use public opinion data polls and immigration policies before and after the attacks. In Germany's case, I utilize the same data and to assess any correlation to the other two countries data. Using the literature already written, public opinion data polls and policy initiatives enacted before and after these attacks, I examine the overall effect, if any, on the Muslim immigrant population in these countries. The intent of this thesis is to explore if the significant changes in immigration policies after the attacks have occurred due to economic or cultural factors. Because public opinion is central to policy changes, I also consider the implications of public's views on immigration after the attacks, along with the effect all this has on the number of Muslim immigrants entering these countries.