No description available.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The break and bend verbs in Xitsonga forms part of the larger verb class of verbs of change of state. Such verbs show two events, i.e. a process and a transition. These verbs have been investigated in Xitsonga with regard to the following properties: the syntactic categories within which they may appear, the levels of representation within lexical semantics and their semantic features. The break verbs in Xitsonga appear in three syntactic categories, i.e. transitive verbs, verbal roots with transitive and intransitive suffixes and ideophones, which may appear as derived verbs with transitive and intransitive suffixes. The bend verbs appear only as transitive or intransitive verbs, but they may have a shadow argument with the phrase [hi NP] which gives rise to instrument-subject alternation. Most of the bend verbs may also appear in structures with inalienable possession. The break verbs have five semantic features: break, split and crack, smash and crush, demolish, tear. The bend verbs have six semantic features: bend, bend or fold, bend or twist, be crooked, lean over, kneel. The break verbs, which may also appear, as ideophones are clear examples of ergative verbs in Xitsonga. Such verbs denote a change of state and they occur as both transitive and intransitive verbs. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die breek- en buigwerkwoorde in Xitsonga vorm deel van die groter klas van werkwoorde, bekend as verandering-van-toestand ('change-of-state') werkwoorde. Hierdie soort werkwoorde vertoon twee tipes gebeure ('events'), naamlik proses en oorgang ('transition'). Hierdie werkwoorde word vir Xitsonga ondersoek met betrekking tot die volgende eienskappe: die sintaktiese kategorieë waarin hulle mag verskyn, die vlakke van representasie in die leksikale semantiek, en die semantiese kenmerke van hierdie werkwoorde. Breekwerkwoorde in Xitsonga verskyn in drie sintaktiese kategorieë, naamlik transitiewe werkwoorde, werkwoordstamme met transitiewe en intransitiewe suffikse, en ideofone, wat as afgeleide werkwoorde met transitiewe en intransitiewe suffikse mag verskyn. Die buigwerkwoorde mag slegs as transitiewe of intransitiewe werkwoorde verskyn, maar hulle mag 'n skadu-argument neem met die frase [hi NP], wat die instrument-subjek alternasie kan realiseer. Die meeste buigwerkwoorde kan ook in strukture verskyn wat onvervreembare besit illustreer. Die breekwerkwoorde het vyf semantiese kenmerke: breek, kloof, kraak, slaan en druk, verwoes en skeur. Die buigwerkwoorde het ses semantiese kenmerke: buig, vou, draai, gebuig wees, oorleen en kniel. Die breekwerkwoorde, kan ook as ergatiewe werkwoorde verskyn in Xitsonga. Sulke werkwoorde dui verandering-van-toestand aan, en hulle mag as beide transitiewe en intransitiewe werkwoorde verskyn.

Full text to be digitised and attached to bibliographic record. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is organized into five chapters: the first chapter deals with the aims of the study, the theoretical framework that has been assumed in this study as well as the organisation of the thesis. The second chapter gives an overview of the assumptions of lexical semantics with specific reference to the Generative Lexicon. Chapter 3 is concerned with the break verbs while chapter 4 deals with the bend verbs in Tshivenda. Chapter 5 gives the conclusions of the study. With regard to the break verbs in Tshivenda: these verbs have been classified into seven subgroups with regard to specific semantic features. Syntactically, the break verbs in Tshivenda are mainly transitive verbs while a large group have a transitive-intransitive alternation with the suffixes [-I-/-w-]. The break verbs may also regularly appear with the iterative suffixes [Vkan- Nkany-]. Most of the break verbs also regularly appear in two other alternations i.e. the possession alternation and the instrument-subject alternation. The bend verbs in Tshivenda are organized into five subgroups with regard to their semantic features. All bend verbs in Tshivenda are transitive verbs, but it has been shown that these verbs are in reality ergative verbs which assign two internal theta-roles. These verbs also regularly appear in the possession alternation and the instrument-subject alternation. Both the break and bend verbs have furthermore been treated within the main components of the Generative lexicon, i.e. argument structure, event structure, lexical conceptual paradigm and lexical inheritance structure. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verhandeling is verdeel in vyf hoofstukke: die eerste hoofstuk handeloor die doelstellings van die studie, die teoretiese raamwerk wat aanvaar is as uitgangspunt vir hierdie studie asook die organisasie van die verhandeling. Die tweede hoofstuk gee 'n oorsig oor die aannames van die leksikale semantiek met spesiale verwysing na die Generatiewe leksikon. Hoofstuk drie bestudeer die breek werkwoorde terwyl hoofstuk vier handeloor die buigwerkwoorde in Tshivenda. Hoofstuk vyf gee die konklusies van die studie. Met betrekking tot die breek werkwoorde in Tshivenda: hierdie werkwoorde is geklassifiseer in sewe subgroepe met verwysing na spesifieke semantiese kenmerke. Sintakties is die breek werkwoorde in Tshivenda grotendeels transitiewe werkwoorde terwyl 'n groot groep deelneem aan 'n transitieweintransitiewe alternasie met die suffikse [-I-/-w-]. Die breek werkwoorde kan verder ook reëlmatig voorkom met die iteratiewe suffikse (Vkan-Nkany-]. Meeste van die breek werkwoorde verskyn ook reëlmatig in twee ander alternasies nl. die possessiewe alternasie en die instrument-subjek alternasie. Die buig werkwoorde in Tshivenda is verdeel in vyf subgroepe na aanleiding van hulle semantiese kenmerke. Alle buig werkwoorde in Tshivenda is transitiewe werkwoorde maar dit is aangetoon dat hierdie werkwoorde in werklikheid ergatiewe werkwoorde is wat twee interne theta-rolle toeken. Hierdie werkwoorde kom ook reëlmatig voor in die possessief alternasie en die instrument-subjek alternasie. Beide die breek en buig werkwoorde is verder behandel binne die hoofkomponente van die Generatiewe leksikon, nl. Argument struktuur, gebeurtenis struktuur, leksikaal konseptueie paradigma en leksikaal erfenis struktuur.

published_or_final_version / abstract / Linguistics / Master / Master of Arts

No description available.

This thesis investigates Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) where two or more finite verbs along with their complements occur in a single clause without any form of coordination or subordination. Two basic questions are addressed: (a) what types of SVCs are there, and how are they to be distinguished from other similar constructions? (b) what is the parameter that allows a language like Edo to have SVCs, and not English or French? / It is argued that true SVCs are those in which the verbs share internal as well as external arguments. Based on a battery of syntactic tests, it is proposed that there are two kinds of SVCs with distinct syntactic structures: resultative and consequential. This is contrary to the unified approach in previous works such as Baker (1989) and Collins (1997). It is argued that resultative SVCs are constrained to two verbs, the second of which is typically unaccusative, and they assign their internal theta roles to a single object---true internal argument sharing. Consequential SVCs are less constrained, and involve sequences of transitive verbs, with internal argument sharing realized via an empty category, pro, as the object of the second verb. Both kinds of SVCs contain two functional heads: an E(vent) head that binds the events denoted by the verbs which it dominates, and a Voice head that licenses the Agent of the events expressed by those verbs. / Some other constructions that have been classified as SVCs turn out to involve two separate clauses, each with their own E(vent) and Voice heads: covert coordinations, modal-aspectual verb constructions, and instrumental constructions. A syntactic structure for each of these non-SVCs is proposed. / Based on Pollock's (1989) approach to verb raising and the checking theory of Chomsky (1993, 1995), it is argued that SVCs can occur in languages where Tense (or other Infl categories) does not need to be checked. The parameter is as follows: non-SVC languages are those in which Infl must check features with the verb {English, French, Igbo, Chinese etc.}, versus SVC languages where it doesn't {Edo, Yoruba, Ewe, Akan etc.}

No description available.

Much has been written on the Afrikaans verb system and verb categories. This, however, has been unconnected research which does not define the complete picture of the Afrikaans verb system. In research reports various categories of verbs are referred to comprehensively, while only five to six primary categories such as transitive, intransitive, copulative, prepositional and reflexive verbs, and to a lesser degree, "assistant" verbs, are referred to in some textbooks. In addition, research reports indicate that conventional identical verbs are sometimes named differently which raises the question whether the same verb can simultaneously belong to different verb categories. Sometimes the categorization results from a syntactical approach, while the naming of Afrikaans main verbs often result from a semantic perspective. In this study two different approaches of categorization are researched in order to establish which approach should apply as primary principle. The relevant approaches to categorization taken under scrutiny are the traditional or classic approach according tot which the limits of categories are relatively limited, and the prototype approach which provides for typical as well as peripheral categorical examples. The study aims to highlight the great number of Afrikaans verb categories and to place these in a semantic-syntactic framework. Two relevant models of categorization are taken as a basis to systemize the Afrikaans verb system. The method employed is to present an alphabetical exposition of the verb categories and then to establish within which semantic-cognitive image schemata such verbs are found. The part which metaphorical transfer, as principle of classification plays in the process of categorization is reviewed and illustrated. In addition, the semantic and syntactic characteristics of specific main verb categories are highlighted. From this study the following can be concluded: ▪ Afrikaans main verbs may simultaneously belong to different categories. Different 'categories' of main verbs are sometimes a single category with different names. ▪ Categorization from a syntactic perspective is systematic and simplistic and should be used as a point of departure. Verbs are firstly transitive, intransitive, copulative, prepositional, reflexive or "assistant" verbs, and may then be simultaneously connected to different semantic categories such as communicative verbs, verbs of weather conditions or process verbs. ▪ Categorization based only on semantic grounds provides a magnitude of categories which can be reduced by means of syntactic categorization. ▪ The traditional and prototype approaches to categorization do not exclude but complement each other and should be used interdependently as a categorical approach, the semantic subordinate to the syntactic. / Prof. A.E. Coetzee

就最簡方案(Minimalist Program)而言，本研究從語法及語義上對動詞連用結構(Serial Verb Constructions)在香港手語 (Hong Kong Sign Language)進行了分析考察，並從動詞連用的種類，其語義範圍及句法成份進行了分析歸類。根據動詞短語在結構中的現象及限制，本文概括並歸納出八種結構方式：行動方向連動結構 (Motion-directional SVCs)、取－連動結構〔工具〕(Take-SVCs (Instrument))、取－連動結構 [受事者] (Take-SVCs (Theme))、給予－連動結構 (Give-SVCs)、及物連動結構 (Transitive Class-SVCs)、 結果連動結構〔受事者〕(Resultative-SVCs (Theme))、結果連動結構〔施事者〕(Resultative-SVCs (Agent))；及方式連動結構 (Manner-SVCs)。 / 研究結果顯示，與口語中動詞連用結構一樣，論元共享(argument sharing)是香港手語中動詞連用結構的其中一個重要特徵。香港手話中動詞連用結構可分為三類：a.) 施事論元共享(agent argument sharing); b.) 受事論元共享(theme argument sharing)及 c.) 施事論元及受事論元共享(agent and theme argument sharing) 。 / 就香港手語中連動詞的句法分析，通過副詞位置(the placement of VP adverb)及動詞的必要性(Obligatoriness of VP)，兩者印證這八類動詞連用結構為補足關係(complementation)。此外，本研究假設香港手語連動詞結構的論元句法依存(Syntactic Dependencies)可通過兩種方法建立。一．) 空語類(an empty category)；二．）顯性代名語(overt pronominal)。就前者而言，跟隨 Hornstein (1999, 2001) 提倡論旨角色屬性核對(-role feature checking)的方案，某些動詞連用結構中的共享施事論元和受事論元是透過論元移位(A-movement) 所洐生出來的名詞片語語跡(NP-trace)；另外，及物連動結構 (Transitive Class-SVCs)中的共享受事論元表現為自由空語類(free empty category)，其意思可在語用(pragmatic)層面上由先行語(antecedent)或基礎洐生的話題(topic)准許(licenced)。就後者而言，當動詞連用結構中的兩個動詞是由量詞謂語(classifier predicate)組成，共享施事論元或／和受事論元則通過量詞(classifier)作為顯性代名語表現出來。 / 本研究對香港手語中論元分享的句法依存可透過兩種方法表達的說法，對現時手語中動詞連用結構的研究帶來重大的意義。它不但與口語研究的分析相似，即手語中的動詞連用結構的結構論元分享也可透過空語類這類明確的組配語言原則來解釋。此外，它對語言中動詞連用結構中論元分享的現象亦提出了的新觀點，即手語中這類結構的論元分享可透過顯性代名詞表現出來。 / This research explores Serial Verb Constructions (henceforth SVCs) in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL) with respect to their syntactic and semantic aspects within the Minimalist Program (the MP). Specifically, it aims to study SVCs in HKSL with regard to characteristics such as types of serial verbs, range of semantic notions that can be expressed by these verbs, and the syntactic representation of each type of serial verbs. Based upon the restriction of the limited set of verbs that can occur in the series, eight types of SVCs are classified in HKSL, namely Motion-directional SVCs, Take-SVCs (Instrument), Take-SVCs (Theme), Give-SVCs, Transitive-SVCs, Resultative-SVCs (Theme), Resultative-SVCs (Agent) and Manner-SVCs. / The data from HKSL shows the property of obligatory argument sharing in these types of SVCs, which conforms to the robust cross-linguistic observation about SVCs. These constructions can either be a.) the agent argument sharing; b.) the theme argument sharing; or c.) both. / With respect to the syntactic behavior among SVCs in HKSL, the placement of VP adverb and obligatoriness of VP tests show that the eight types of SVCs have a homogeneous structure, i.e. a complementation structure. In addition, this research concludes that the syntactic dependencies of arguments in SVCs in HKSL can be realized in two major ways: 1.) an empty category; 2.) an overt pronominal. In terms of the former, the empty category can be realized as either an NP trace, or a free empty category. Specifically, the shared agent argument and the shared theme argument in some types of SVCs can be realized by an NP trace via A-movement triggered by -role feature checking suggested by Hornstein (1999, 2001), and the shared theme argument can be realized as a free empty category which is base-generated in Transitive class-SVCs, and its interpretation is pragmatically licensed by the antecedent or base-generated topic. In terms of the latter, in the types of SVCs that the two verbs are expressed as classifier predicates, the shared agent or/and theme argument can be observed through the use of the classifier which is realized as an overt pronominal in the syntactic structure, and is licensed by its antecedent in the discourse/pragmatic context. / The claim that HKSL has two ways to show the syntactic dependency of the shared argument(s) is significant to the current study of SVCs in the literature. It not only shows an agreement with the general analysis in spoken language literature, where the linguistic evidence of the shared argument(s) in SVCs in sign languages can also be conceptualized through the stipulation of explicitly constructed linguistic principles, i.e. by means of an empty category, it also contributes to the linguistic evidence for the concept of shared argument(s) of SVCs across languages, by showing that the syntactic dependency of the shared argument in certain types of SVCs in sign languages can be explicitly realized as an overt pronominal in the form of a classifier. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Lau, Sin Yee Prudence. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 463-473). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.p. i / 論文摘要 --- p.p. ii / Acknowledgements --- p.p. iii / Table of Content --- p.p. iv / Notation Conventions on Sign Language Data --- p.p. viii / List of Abbreviations --- p.p. x / List of Tables --- p.p. xii / List of Figures --- p.p. xiii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Do Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) Exist in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL)? --- p.p. 1 / Chapter 1.2 --- SVCs in Sign Languages: Some Initial Observation --- p.p. 3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Motivations of Investigating SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 7 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- Research Questions --- p.p. 9 / Chapter 1.4 --- Theoretical Background: The Minimalist Program --- p.p. 10 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- The Basic Tenets --- p.p. 11 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- Bare Phrase Structure --- p.p. 12 / Chapter 1.4.3 --- Phase Theory and Cyclic Derivation --- p.p. 18 / Chapter 1.5 --- Research Methodology --- p.p. 23 / Chapter 1.5.1 --- Data Collection --- p.p. 23 / Chapter 1.6 --- Thesis Outline & Summary of Research Findings --- p.p. 24 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Serial Verb Constructions in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 27 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 27 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Origin of SVCs in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 27 / Chapter 2.3 --- Typology of SVCs in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 29 / Chapter 2.4 --- SVCs: The Phenomenon --- p.p. 37 / Chapter 2.4.1 --- Formal Properties of SVCs --- p.p. 37 / Chapter 2.4.1.1 --- Single Predicates --- p.p. 40 / Chapter 2.4.1.2 --- Single Event --- p.p. 41 / Chapter 2.4.1.3 --- Monoclausality --- p.p. 42 / Chapter 2.4.1.4 --- Shared ATM, Modality and Polarity Values --- p.p. 43 / Chapter 2.4.1.5 --- Shared Arguments --- p.p. 45 / Chapter 2.4.1.6 --- Prosodic Properties --- p.p. 47 / Chapter 2.4.2 --- SVCs: Macro Event Property --- p.p. 48 / Chapter 2.5 --- Tests for SVCs in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 51 / Chapter 2.5.1 --- Extraction --- p.p. 52 / Chapter 2.5.2 --- Predicate Cleft Construction --- p.p. 54 / Chapter 2.5.3 --- Referential Pronoun --- p.p. 55 / Chapter 2.5.4 --- The Placement of Adverb and Negation --- p.p. 56 / Chapter 2.6 --- Implications on Research of SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 59 / Chapter 2.7 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 62 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Syntactic Analyses of Serial Verb Constructions in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 64 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 64 / Chapter 3.2 --- Formal Analyses of SVCs in Natural Languages --- p.p. 77 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Resultative-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 78 / Chapter 3.2.1.1 --- Symmetric Sharing Analysis --- p.p. 79 / Chapter 3.2.2.1.1 --- Baker (1989, 1991) --- p.p. 79 / Chapter 3.2.1.1.2 --- Baker & Stewart (2002) --- p.p. 82 / Chapter 3.2.1.1.3 --- Lidz & Williams (2002) --- p.p. 86 / Chapter 3.2.1.2 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 89 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.1 --- Collins (1997, 2002) --- p.p. 89 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.2 --- Nishiyama (1998) --- p.p. 94 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.3 --- Carstens (2002) --- p.p. 98 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.4 --- Veenstra (1993, 1996) --- p.p. 99 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Transitive Class-SVCs --- p.p. 103 / Chapter 3.2.2.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 104 / Chapter 3.2.2.1.1 --- Baker & Stewart (2002) --- p.p. 104 / Chapter 3.2.2.1.2 --- Bukhari (2009) --- p.p. 107 / Chapter 3.2.2.2 --- Symmetric Sharing Analysis --- p.p. 112 / Chapter 3.2.2.2.1 --- Choi (2003) --- p.p. 112 / Chapter 3.2.2.2.2 --- Hiraiwa & Bodomo (2008) --- p.p. 116 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Take-SVCs (Instrument) --- p.p. 118 / Chapter 3.2.3.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 119 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.1 --- Corne et al. (1996) --- p.p. 120 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.2 --- Law (1996) --- p.p. 122 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.3 --- Collins (1997, 2002) --- p.p. 124 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.4 --- Carstens (2002) --- p.p. 125 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Take-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 127 / Chapter 3.2.4.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 128 / Chapter 3.2.4.1.1 --- Law & Veenstra (1992) and Veenstra (1993, 1996) --- p.p. 128 / Chapter 3.2.4.1.2 --- Muysken & Veenstra (1995) --- p.p. 130 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- Displacement Verb-SVcs with VP2 as Directional Verb --- p.p. 132 / Chapter 3.2.5.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 133 / Chapter 3.2.5.1.1 --- Law (1996) --- p.p. 133 / Chapter 3.2.6 --- Motion-directional SVCs --- p.p. 135 / Chapter 3.2.6.1 --- Symmetrical Sharing Analysis --- p.p. 136 / Chapter 3.2.6.1.1 --- Benedicto, Cvejanov & Quer (2008) --- p.p. 136 / Chapter 3.3 --- Interim Discussion --- p.p. 138 / Chapter 3.4 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 140 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 142 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 142 / Chapter 4.2 --- Motion-directional SVCs --- p.p. 144 / Chapter 4.3 --- Take-SVCs --- p.p. 158 / Chapter 4.4 --- Give-SVCs --- p.p. 174 / Chapter 4.5 --- Transitive Class-SVCs --- p.p. 186 / Chapter 4.6 --- Resultative-SVCs --- p.p. 195 / Chapter 4.7 --- Manner-SVCs --- p.p. 207 / Chapter 4.8 --- Interim Discussion and Chapter Summary --- p.p. 215 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Syntactic Diagnostics of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 218 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 218 / Chapter 5.2 --- Other Possible Tests for SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 219 / Chapter 5.3 --- Coordination in HKSL --- p.p. 221 / Chapter 5.4 --- Subordination in HKSL --- p.p. 224 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Sentential Complements --- p.p. 224 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Relative Clauses --- p.p. 225 / Chapter 5.5 --- SVCs vs Coordination and Subordination in HKSL --- p.p. 226 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- The Distribution of Q-Morpheme --- p.p. 227 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- The Distribution of VP Adverbs --- p.p. 230 / Chapter 5.5.3 --- A'-Extraction --- p.p. 243 / Chapter 5.5.3.1 --- A'-Extraction via Topicalization --- p.p. 243 / Chapter 5.5.3.2 --- A'-Extraction via Wh-Word --- p.p. 250 / Chapter 5.5.4 --- Referential Pronoun --- p.p. 257 / Chapter 5.5.5 --- The Distribution of Negation Morpheme --- p.p. 263 / Chapter 5.5.6 --- The Distribution of Temporal Adverbs --- p.p. 273 / Chapter 5.5.7 --- Special tests for Serial Verb Constructions in HKSL --- p.p. 277 / Chapter 5.5.7.1 --- FINISH Test --- p.p. 278 / Chapter 5.5.7.2 --- Non-manual Features --- p.p. 282 / Chapter 5.6 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 287 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Verb Headedness of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 288 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 288 / Chapter 6.2 --- Headedness of Serial Verb Constructions in HKSL --- p.p. 288 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Extraction via Topicalization --- p.p. 295 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- The Distribution of VP Adverbs --- p.p. 299 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- Obligatorinesss of VPs --- p.p. 306 / Chapter 6.3 --- Interim Discussion and Chapter Summary --- p.p. 309 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Syntactic Dependencies of Arguments in Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 314 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 314 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- Lam's (2009) Phrase Structure in HKSL --- p.p. 318 / Chapter 7.2 --- The Categorical Status of Classifiers in HKSL --- p.p. 319 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- Classifiers as Agreement Affixes --- p.p. 319 / Chapter 7.2.1.1 --- Glűck & Pfau (1998) --- p.p. 320 / Chapter 7.2.1.2 --- Zwitserlood (2003, 2008) --- p.p. 321 / Chapter 7.3.1.3 --- Interim Discussion --- p.p. 325 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- Classifiers as Overt Pronominals --- p.p. 327 / Chapter 7.3 --- Syntactic Dependencies involving Classifiers in SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 329 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- Overt Pronominals as Shared Arguments --- p.p. 330 / Chapter 7.4 --- Syntactic Projection of Classifiers in HKSL --- p.p. 333 / Chapter 7.4.1 --- Previous Studies of Classifiers as Agreement Affixes in the Syntactic Structure --- p.p. 333 / Chapter 7.4.1.1 --- Lau (2002) --- p.p. 334 / Chapter 7.4.1.2 --- Benedicto & Brentari (2004) --- p.p. 336 / Chapter 7.4.1.3 --- Lam (2009) --- p.p. 339 / Chapter 7.4.1.4 --- Interim Discussion --- p.p. 341 / Chapter 7.4.2 --- Classifiers as Agreement Affixes in the Syntactic Structure VCLP --- p.p. 348 / Chapter 7.4.3 --- Classifiers as Overt Pronominals in the Syntactic Structure --- p.p. 354 / Chapter 7.5 --- Syntactic Dependencies involving Null Arguments in SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 356 / Chapter 7.5.1 --- The Categorical Status of Empty Categories --- p.p. 357 / Chapter 7.5.2 --- Free Empty Category as Shared Argument --- p.p. 360 / Chapter 7.5.3 --- NP Traces as Shared Argument --- p.p. 367 / Chapter 7.6 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 378 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Syntactic Derivations of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 380 / Chapter 8.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 380 / Chapter 8.2 --- Syntactic Derivations of SVCs involving a Complementation Structure --- p.p. 380 / Chapter 8.2.1 --- Motion-directional SVCs --- p.p. 381 / Chapter 8.2.2 --- Manner-SVCs --- p.p. 386 / Chapter 8.2.3 --- Give-SVCs --- p.p. 393 / Chapter 8.2.4 --- Take-SVCs (Instrument) --- p.p. 396 / Chapter 8.2.5 --- Take-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 402 / Chapter 8.2.6 --- Transitive Class-SVCs --- p.p. 408 / Chapter 8.2.7 --- Resultative-SVCs (Agent) --- p.p. 413 / Chapter 8.2.8 --- Resultative-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 419 / Chapter 8.3 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 423 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion --- p.p. 425 / Chapter Appendices --- p.p. 429 / Chapter Appendix 1 --- Background of Sign Languages --- p.p. 429 / Chapter Appendix 2 --- Lam's (2009) Phrase Structure in HKSL --- p.p. 445 / Chapter Appendix 3 --- Results of Syntactic Tests in SVCs and Multi-verb Constructions in HKSL --- p.p. 453 / Chapter Appendix 4 --- Sample Files of ELan --- p.p. 456 / Chapter Appendix 5 --- List of Movie Clips --- p.p. 458 / Chapter Appendix 6 --- Samples of Elicitation Tasks --- p.p. 460 / References --- p.p. 463