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This thesis aims to examine how political participation and trust in Lebanon have been affected by the economic turmoil in Lebanon in recent years. The main aim is to study the respondents’ experience of political participation and whether political participation is different depending on demographic factors, such as age, religion, gender, and education. Furthermore, the study will examine whether the respondents trust the political elite. To do this, the method used is qualitative in the form of semi-structured interviews. The study includes even interviews with respondents from different religious groups, ages, and gender. Lebanon has a long history of political instability and political deadlocks with religion being the foundation of their political system.  With recent years' events of the 2019 revolution, Covid-19, the Beirut Port explosion, and economic collapse, political trust in the country has decreased drastically. Therefore, the thesis will use political trust as a theoretical aspect to reach the purpose. Political trust will be used to understand how the respondents trust the political establishment and institutions. The thesis shows that economic turmoil, religion, and political deadlocks affect how the respondents feel that their trust in politicians has changed between 2018 and 2023. Furthermore, the thesis also shows that high levels of corruption and political inefficiency affected the trust of the respondents.

This thesis will focus on split ticket voting. Split ticket voting refers to an aspect of voting behavior where the individual will cast votes for different political parties for different offices. Through the development of countless theories and utilizing data, political scientists have managed to shed some light as to why an individual may engage in split-ticket voting. However, many of these studies have been too narrow in their focus, for instance, relying on a specific election without taking into account some major variables that provide the foundation for voting behavior. The purpose of this study is to provide scholars with an idea of what characteristics exist most commonly among split-ticket voters compared with straight-ticket voters. What variables work together to cause an individual to engage in split ticket voting? Specifically, this thesis will examine the contribution of variables in explaining ticket splitting. Despite studies of the causes of split-ticket voting, the field is still unclear as to what causes an individual to engage in split-ticket voting. What individual variables cause an individual to engage in ticket splitting?

As frequently as it occurs before elections that politicians give a united image of their potential coalition, previous studies have manly focused on explaining why coalitions of parties come to existence in the first place. However, previous scholars have not studied whether the demonstration of unity within a political bloc before an election affects the voters. The purpose of this study is to examine this aspect of politics through the following hypotheses:  H0: The demonstration of unity within a bloc before an election has no influence on how voters vote. H1: The demonstration of unity within a bloc before an election increases voters' willingness to vote for the most united bloc. The hypotheses were examined through quasi-experimental design and the study was conducted on university students. The result indicates that the demonstration of unity in a political bloc before an election has no significant effect on voting behavior, thus confirming the H0. However, further studies are suggested before confirming the result.

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This essay studies the migration crisis’ effect on the sympathy of the Sweden Democrats party. With a focus on the time period between 2010 to 2023, it aims to show if the 2015 migration crisis had any effect on the sympathy amount of the Sweden Democrats, while also analyzing the difference in effect depending on gender, age and education level. The study also aims to show if there has been a post-migration crisis effect in the years after the crisis. The method was a statistical analysis, using statistics from Statistics Sweden from the years between 2010 and 2023. Previous research has shown that a large amount of migration has an effect on voting behavior, creating a shift towards the right. However, this study suggests that the migration crisis cannot be used as an explanation for the increased sympathies of the Sweden Democrats, although the results show that there has been a post-migration crisis effect. The results also disclose that age, gender and a post-secondary education have a significant effect on sympathies for the party. Young people are less likely to sympathize with the Sweden Democrats, while men are much more likely to sympathize with the party compared to women. Individuals who hold a post-secondary education are less likely to sympathize with the party compared to those who hold a pre-secondary education.

Na literatura brasileira sobre o comportamento dos votos de congressistas brasileiros em política comercial, existe concordância de que ele é determinado por características institucionais, ideológicas e dos distritos eleitorais (federativas). Esta pesquisa buscou avançar a compreensão do comportamento destes votos, pela incorporação dos interesses de grupos organizados (lobby), identificados por contribuições de campanha, como fator determinante deste comportamento, na análise do caso da proposta de adesão da Venezuela ao MERCOSUL. Além disto, a pesquisa analisou se o comportamento dos votos dissidentes da orientação e da filiação partidária seria causado por características das bases eleitorais ou por interesses de grupos organizados. Os resultados confirmaram que características de ordem institucional e ideológica tiveram maior influência sobre o comportamento do voto que características locais dos distritos eleitorais (federativas). A inclusão dos interesses de grupos organizados através das contribuições de campanha adicionou capacidade explicativa ao modelo analítico, porém em pequena magnitude. A análise do comportamento dos votos dissidentes mostrou que a dissidência da coalizão do governo e da orientação de voto favorável à política comercial foi determinada por fatores diferentes em relação à dissidência da coalizão de oposição e da orientação de voto contrário à política comercial. No âmbito da análise que foi feita, a dissidência da coalizão do governo e da orientação de voto favorável à política comercial teria sido causada por fator local dos distritos eleitorais, a taxa de desemprego. Já a dissidência da coalizão de oposição e da orientação de voto contrário à política comercial teria sido causada por interesses de grupos organizados. / In the Brazilian literature on the Brazilian congressional voting behavior concerning trade policy, there is agreement that it is determined by institutional and ideological characteristics and also by the features of the electoral districts. This research aimed to advance the understanding of this voting behavior, by incorporating the interests of organized groups (lobby), identified by campaign contributions, as a determinant of this behavior, focused on the analysis of the adhesion proposal of Venezuela to the MERCOSUL. Furthermore, the research evaluated if the dissenting votes behavior from party guidance and party affiliation would be caused by characteristics related to electoral districts or related to interests of organized groups. The results confirmed that the institutional and ideological characteristics had greater influence on voting behavior than local characteristics of electoral districts. The inclusion of the interests of organized groups through campaign contributions added explanatory power to the analytical model, although in small magnitude. The analysis on the dissenting vote behavior showed that dissention from government coalition and from orientation for favorable vote to commercial policy was determined by different factors in relation to the dissention from opposition coalition and from contrary voting instruction to trade policy. The dissention from government coalition and from orientation for favorable vote would be caused by local factor of electoral districts, the rate of unemployment. The dissention from opposition coalition and from contrary voting instruction would be caused by the interests of organized groups.