This thesis revolves around two themes. The first is whether granting citizenship to immigrant children at birth affects their parents’ return migration decisions and integration into the host-country society. Evaluating the introduction of birthright citizenship in Germany in 2000, I show in chapter 1 that migrant families are less likely to return to their home countries if their children automatically obtain the German citizenship. Chapter 2 continues the analysis of the same reform and finds that it has different effects across integration dimensions. Finally, chapter 3 is dedicated to the second theme. It examines whether stating the profession of candidates in open-list elections influences voter satisfaction and voting behavior. The results of a field experiment conducted in Barcelona indicate that voters are more satisfied if they know the profession of the candidates and that candidates working in high-skill occupations enjoy an electoral advantage. / Esta tesis estudia dos temas. El primero es si otorgar la nacionalidad a los hijos de inmigrantes afecta las decisiones de sus padres de retornar a su país y la integración en el país de destino. En el primer capítulo muestro que las familias migrantes tienen menos probabilidad de volver a sus países de origen si sus hijos automáticamente obtienen la nacionalidad alemana. El capítulo dos sigue analizando la misma reforma y encuentra que sus efectos varían entre diferentes dimensiones de integración. Finalmente, el capítulo tres se dedica al segundo tema, el efecto de incluir la profesión de los candidatos en elecciones con listas abiertas. Los resultados de un experimento de campo en Barcelona indican que los votantes están más satisfechos si conocen la profesión de los candidatos y que los candidatos que trabajan en ocupaciones cualificadas disfrutan de una ventaja electoral.

2016年的英國脫歐公投，最終以51.89%比48.11%的差距，決定了英國脫歐的命運。各界紛紛揣測各種可能造成民眾投下脫歐一票的原因，包含個人經濟狀況、政黨認同、受民粹操控、反菁英、對歐洲認同等。本文針對既有研究中尚存在之空缺，聚焦「議題投票取向」對選民投票抉擇的影響，探究脫歐陣營對資訊的扭曲是否對選民的投票抉擇有顯著影響。論文就脫歐派針對國民健保、移民、脫歐後的英國對外經貿、失業率、勞工權益保障與是否能無條件持續享有歐盟單一市場好處這六項議題，透過「二分勝算對數模型」進行分析，從個體層次行為來瞭解資訊扭曲對選民在脫歐公投中投票行為的影響。 研究結果顯示，在移民潮來襲、民眾高喊反全球化與選民不安全感高漲的大環境背景下，脫歐陣營對選民所關心之議題的煽動與對資訊的操控使選民在做出投票抉擇時受到明顯誤導。此外，模型結果亦顯示，選民的個人社經背景與心理態度認知同樣對選民投票行為產生影響。總結而言，本研究透過微觀層次的分析，針對促使選民投下脫歐一票的因素做出深入探討，並以「資訊扭曲」作為重要變數，補充議題投票相關研究之不足。 / In the Brexit referendum held in June 2016, 51.89 per cent of the voter voted Leave and 48.11 per cent voted Remain. The result sealed the fate of the UK as an outsider of the European Union. While the reasons behind voter’s choice to leave the EU remain disputed, individual voter’s socio-economic status, party identification, populism, anti-elite mood, and identity toward European were among the most frequently listed factors. In order to fill the gap that existing researchs has left, this thesis focuses on the significance of “issue voting” in voting behavior. It discusses if the distortion of information by the Leave campaign had a significant impact on people’s voting choice. It uses the “logistic regression model” to analyse six issues brought about by the Leave campaign. They include the NHS, immigration, trading arrangements with other nations, unemployment, working conditions for British workers, and unconditional maintaining of all the benefits from the EU. By focusing on the individual level, I try to investigate how the distortion of information has impacted upon people’s voting behavior in the Brexit referendum. The study shows that against the background of an increased flow of immigrants and heightened anti-globalization mood, voters had a strong sense of insecurity. Under such circumstances, the Leave campaign exploited the opportunity to incite voters on issues they cared most about, manipulated information during the demagogic campaign, and misled people on their voting decision. In addition, the model also demonstrates that voters’ socioeconomic status and mental cognizance have the same effect on people’s voting behavior. In the nutshell, this thesis uses micro-level analysis to investigate voter behavior in the Brexit referendum. It brings in “information distortion” as a key variable in explaining voter behavior, a variable largely neglected in the existing literature on issue voting.

Diese Dissertation umfasst vier Aufsätze welche die Effekte von nicht-zufälliger Selektion betrachten. Im ersten Aufsatz wird analysiert welche Rolle die geänderte Zusammensetzung der Erwerbsbevölkerung für die Entwicklung der Lohnungleichheit spielt. Vollzeit-Erwerbstätige weisen zunehmend Episoden von Teilzeitarbeit und Erwerbsunterbrechungen in ihren Biographien auf. Dies hat maßgeblich zum Anstieg der Lohnungleichheit beigetragen. Der zweite Aufsatz betrachtet die Effekte von gesunkener Arbeitslosigkeit auf Lohnungleichheit.. Wenn sich die Selektion in Vollzeit oder Arbeitslosigkeit ändert, kann dies zu steigender Lohnungleichheit führen. Dies ist insbesondere dann der Fall wenn Personen neu in Beschäftigung kommen, die eine Negativauswahl der Erwerbsbevölkerung sind. Jedoch zeigt sich, als Resultat einer Analyse mit selektionskorrigierten Quantilsregressionen, dass diese veränderte Selektion nicht zum Anstieg der Lohnungleichheit beigetragen hat. Im dritten Aufsatz geht es um nicht-monotone Selektion bei Regression Discontinuity Designs (RDD). Die Annahmen, auf welchen RDDs beruhen, können verletzt sein wenn sich sowohl Individuen in die Maßnahmengruppe hinein, als auch aus ihr heraus selektieren. Der Aufsatz beschreibt diesen Selektionsmechanismus und zeigt seine praktische Relevanz. Zudem wird ein Spezifikationstest vorgestellt um das Problem im Vorfeld der Analyse zu erkennen. Der vierte Aufsatz untersucht Wählerpräferenzen für das Geschlecht politischer Kandidaten. Es wird analysiert ob das Zusammenspiel von Berufsinformationen und Geschlecht die geringere Repräsentation von Frauen erklären kann. Dazu wurde ein Feldexperiment durchgeführt. Es zeigt sich dass weibliche Kandidaten einen Stimmvorteil genießen solange keine Berufsinformationen angegeben sind. Sobald jedoch die Berufe der Kandidaten bekannt sind kehrt sich dies in einen Stimmvorteil für männliche Kandidaten um. / This thesis comprises four essays which study effects of non-random selection. The first essay analyzes the role of changes in labor force composition for the development of wage inequality among full-time workers. Of particular interest are the effects of increasingly common episodes of temporary part-time work and nonemployment among full-time workers. Such episodes, have contributed substantially to the rise in wage inequality. The second essay studies the effects of declining unemployment on inequality of wages. Changing selection over time between unemployment and full-time work could lead to increasingly diverse wages, particularly if sinking unemployment implies an influx of negatively selected workers into employment. However, results from a selection corrected quantile regression approach show that changing selection with respect to unobservables is not a contributor to the rise in wage inequality. The third essay studies non-monotonic selection in regression discontinuity designs (RDD). When similar numbers of individual select into and out of treatment simultaneously, the identifying assumption of the RDD can be violated. The essay describes the selection mechanisms and demonstrates it’s practical relevance. It then suggests an enhancement to the standard specification tests for RDDs, which can detect non-monotonic sorting in advance. The fourth essay studies voter’s valuation of candidate gender. It examines whether the presence of profession information coupled with voter preferences for stereotypical male occupations may explain part of the gender gap in parliaments. The analysis is conducted as a field experiment built into an exit-poll of voters in Germany in 2014. The results show a vote share bonus for women in the absence of profession information. Once voters know the profession of candidates, however, this changes towards a small edge for male candidates.

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Populism is on the rise, anti-globalism, nationalism, and xenophobia run rampant, andtraditional mainstream parties seem unable to curb the tide. Sweden is no exception, eventhough it in some cases seems like it should be, with the populist party the SwedenDemocrats gaining more support by each passing election. In this thesis, the rise of theSweden Democrats and the slow decline of the mainstream Social Democrats and ModerateParty are explored and explained through the use of the term issue alignment. The thesisexamines if the reason for mass migration from the established mainstream parties is due tothe Sweden Democrats being better aligned with voters’ stance on issues and policy.Furthermore, the thesis investigates if the mainstream parties’ voter loss is due to worseningalignment, but not finding any significant decline over time. Similarly, the thesis investigatesif the improving national vote results of the Sweden Democrats are due to improvingalignment between the party and the voters, again, finding no proof for this theory. TheSweden Democrats’ level of issue alignment with voters has not improved consistently overthe period, and similarly, the mainstream parties’ level of issue alignment has not decreasedconsistently over the period.

This study discusses voting behavior of the citizens in The Czech republic. Traditional studies of voting behavior differentiate between voters and nonvoters according to their turnout in one election. This thesis takes up multielection approach and differentiates three categories of voting behavior- voters, nonvoters and irregular voters. Specific features of voters, nonvoters and irregular voters are identified using logistic regression analysis. Theoretically, the study is based on socioeconomic, motivational and mobilization theories of turnout. The focus is put on the decision making of irregular voters. Circumstances tied with irregular voters' turnout are identified. The discussion on methodological problems connected with multi-election approach and research of electoral behavior generally is part of the thesis. The Czech election study 2010 is a main source of the data for analysis.

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本研究以1997年台灣縣市長選舉為標的，彙整政治學有關投票行為的相關理論，包含社會學研究途徑、社會心理學研究途徑與理性抉擇途徑的研究成果，整合該年度之總體與個體資料而設計出「特質調整模型」。特質調整模型是透過兩階段的操作模式進行預測，首先以基礎模型反應全國一致的因素，使之適用於台灣所有縣市，這些因素包括政黨認同、候選人取向與社會人口學變項。但由於各縣市狀況仍有不同，因此再進一步用延伸模型來考量各縣市的特殊選舉因素。延伸模型在基礎模型的規模上，以描述性統計來觀察選區情形後，再加入各地特質於模型之中，使其預測結果能反映各地特殊狀況。在延伸模型中，考量的因素包括議題取向、環境系絡因素、策略性投票、在位者表現、派系取向與賄選問題等。 在特質調整模型中，本研究嘗試以對數迴歸模型對各地區進行模擬計算，並用機率論的方式呈現每一位受訪者的投票可能，以反應政治學理論中的不確定性。研究結果發現基礎模型確能相當地反應出台灣各縣市的選舉狀況，描繪各地的一般狀況，而延伸模型又能更精確地貼近各地的選舉結果，反映各地的特殊選情。在資料完整的狀況下，最後各縣市的預測誤差均不超過抽樣誤差。 第一章 緒論 1 壹、研究動機與目的 1 貳、文獻檢閱 3 第二章 研究方法 25 壹、研究範圍與資料來源 25 貳、模型建構 28 參、研究架構 33 肆、模型評估 35 第三章 基礎模型 38 壹、 變數建構 38 貳、 基礎模型的探討 42 參、 討論 84 第四章 延伸模型：基礎模型的應用 87 壹、延伸模型的設計 87 貳、基隆市的延伸模型 89 參、台北縣的延伸模型 98 肆、桃園縣的延伸模型 115 伍、新竹市的延伸模型 123 陸、台中市的延伸模型 129 柒、彰化縣的延伸模型 140 捌、台南市的延伸模型 153 玖、台南縣的延伸模型 166 拾、小結 172 第五章 結論 174 壹、研究回顧 174 貳、研究效果評估 178 參、研究限制與未來研究建議 179 參考文獻 184 / This research is focused on Taiwanese county magistrates election in 1997, and based on the aggregate and individual data to design a forecasting model, named "Joined Idiosyncrasies Adjusted Model" (JIA Model). This model is operated by two stages. First, I compute a basic model, which reflects some general factors in every county. Second, I design extended models to adjust the output of basic models. Those extended models can precisely show the situation of every single county. In this model, I try to use logistic regression to compute the candidate's votes, and present the final forecast output in probability. This model made the county magistrates election more predictable, and the model errors are less than the sampling errors.

本研究以台灣地區（包括台北市、高雄市與台灣省）為範圍，鄉鎮市區為基本單元，1989年到1995年的立法委員選舉為標的，使用人文區位研究途徑，來分析區域發展與政黨競爭之間的關係。在代表政黨競爭的自變項上，分別以各政黨在立法委員選舉中的得票率競爭程度，以及各政黨的得票率為變數。至於描述區域發展的自變項上，主要可分成兩個部分。橫斷面上由自然區位因素（包括都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況、藍領階級比例、年輕人口比例、外省人口比例），以及政治區位因素（包括決算補助比例、縣市票源凝聚程度、鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度、縣市地方派系強度虛擬變項、鄉鎮市區派系強度虛擬變項）作為自變項。在縱剖面上，則以時間的虛擬變項作為自變項，以反映長期的影響因素。在以各政黨當屆立委得票率為依變項時，則再加入當屆省市議員與上屆立法委員各政黨的得票率，來測量選舉慣性的影響力。 此外，並分別由區分為三個集群的集群面，以及整體面來進行迴歸分析。 研究結果發現，在各模型中較為重要而顯著的變數都與假設方向一致。其中都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況、年輕人口比例，以及縣市票源凝聚程度會升高政黨競爭程度；而決算補助比、鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度，以及縣市級地方派系則會減弱政黨競爭程度。都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況，以及縣市票源凝聚程度對國民黨得票率不利，而外省人口比例則由1992年之前的有利，轉向為1995年的不利；但決算補助比例、縣市級地方派系強，以及鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度都對國民黨得票率有利。都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況以及縣市票源凝聚程度對民進黨得票率有利；而外省人口比例、決算補助比，以及鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度則對民進黨得票率不利。都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況、外省人口比例，以及年輕人口比例，均對新黨得票率有利；決算補助比、鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度，以及各級地方派系不論強弱，均對新黨得票率不利。 在合併時間序列的分析上，隨著時間的推演，政黨得票率競爭程度也隨之升高，同時對國民黨得票率愈來愈不利，而對民進黨得票率愈來愈有利。此外不論是對哪一個政黨的得票率來說，選舉慣性因素的影響力都相當顯著。不過不同選舉還是有所不同，以同類型的選舉影響較大。 另一方面，經由對R 值的觀察，我們也發現政治區位因素在多數的情況下，其解釋力會大於自然區位因素。同時區位因素最適合用以解釋新黨的得票率，不過整體而言多數模型都有解釋力愈來愈高的趨勢，顯示近年來區域發展因素對於政黨競爭的解釋力較過去提升不少。 最後，透過區分集群的方式，有助於突顯出特定區域類型，以表現出其中更為強烈或更為微弱的，區域發展與政黨競爭之間的關係。可避免僅就整體面進行分析，使這些集群的特性消失，反倒不易瞭解區域發展與政黨競爭之間的真正關係的缺失。 第一章　緒論 壹、政黨競爭與選舉 貳、台灣的選舉競爭：國民黨的控制與反對黨的興起 參、選舉研究：個體或總體 肆、區域與區域發展 伍、台灣的區域發展：進步但不均衡 陸、區域發展與政黨競爭 第二章 文獻檢閱 壹、區域發展與人文區位指標 貳、選舉競爭與總體資料研究 參、整合性研究的需要 第三章 理論架構與研究方法 壹、研究範圍與內容 貳、研究架構與假設 參、變數建構與資料來源 肆、統計方法 第四章 變數的典型相關與鄉鎮市區的集群分析 壹、典型相關分析 貳、集群分析 參、依變項在整體面與集群面上之觀察 肆、討論與小結 第五章 區域發展因素對政黨競爭的影響－集群面的觀察 壹、第一集群的分析結果 貳、第二集群的分析結果 參、第三集群的分析結果 肆、討論與小結 第六章 區域發展因素對政黨競爭的影響－整體面的觀察 壹、影響政黨得票率競爭程度的區域發展因素研究 貳、影響政黨得票率的區域發展因素研究 參、整體面與集群面的比較 參、討論與小結 第七章 結論 壹、研究回顧與成果 貳、檢討與建議 參考書目 附錄一 國內以人文區位指標進行區域發展研究的相關論文列表 附錄二 國內以人文區位途徑進行選舉研究的相關論文列表 附錄三 各變數之相關係數、平均數與標準差 附錄四 各迴歸分析詳細列表 附錄五 各變數資料 / The thesis is an ecological analysis of competition between major parties (the KMT, DPP, and NP) in the 1989, 1992, and 1995 elections for Taiwan's Legislative Yuan. The unit of analysis is the "Hsiang" (rural township), "Chen" (urban township), "Shih" (county city), or "Ch'u" (precict), and we separate all of the local area units into three clusters to obtain the ecological determinants of the degree of competition between major parties. We explore the relative influence of ecological conditions of local units on the election returns over the six year period. The results of regression analysis indicate that major significant variables are in accordance with theoretical assumptions. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, high percentage of youth in the population, and high degree of voting consistency in a county can raise the degree of competition between major parties, but a high percentage of the budget from subsidies, law degree of voting consistency in a township, and strong county factions can reduce it. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, and degree of voting consistency in a county have influence on the percentage of the vote lost by the KMT's candidates, and percentage of the budget from subsidies and strong local county factions influence the percentage of the vote won by the KMT's candidates. A high percentage of mainlanders contributes to the KMT's vote share before 1992, but becomes disadvantageous in 1995. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, and degree of voting consistency in a county are beneficial to the DPP, but a high percentage of mainlanders, a high percentage of the budget from subsidies, and a high degree of voting consistency in a township are harmful to it. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, a high percentage of mainlanders, and a high percentage of youth in the population have a positive influence on the NP's vote, but a high percentage of the budget from subsidies, a high degree of voting consistency in a township, and strong local factions have a negative influence towards it. Longitudinal analyses find that the time factor intensifies the degree of competition between major parties in favor of the DPP. Electoral inertia, or the retrospective effects of the last election, has a powerful influence on the vote share of the KMT, DPP, and NP. Also the same type of elections has more influence than different types. Finally, through clusters analyses we can identify various types of groups which reveal various relationships between development of regions and competition between major parties.