Vowel perception primarily depends on the overall shape of the speech spectrum, which is imposed by the positions of the primary speech articulators. Voiced vowels also have a harmonic fine structure due to the activity of the vocal folds, and these harmonics give rise to synchronized activity in the brainstem. This synchronous firing may be useful for speech perception in noise and speaker discrimination, although it is unknown if the synchronized neural response to the harmonic increases perceptual audibility of the harmonic. The focus of the current study was to examine the relationship between the audibility of harmonics and the brainstem response to harmonics. The individual harmonics were found to be encoded in the brainstem, determined using brainstem frequency-following response recording, and the individual harmonics were audible to the individual, as determined using the pulsation threshold technique; however there was minimal relationship between the frequency-following response and perception of harmonics.

No description available.

The beet-boot and said-shed continua were created in 2001. Each continuum has 13 stimuli and there are a total of four continua (one each of beet-boot and said-shed for a female and a male speaker). There are two kinds of files in this archive, parameter and audio. The parameter files have the .doc extension, but they are text files that serve as input to a Klatt synthesizer rather than Microsoft Word files. The audio files are Microsoft .wav files that have the .wav extension. / NIDCD (No. DC003007)

No description available.

Though previous research has documented the Southern Vowel Shift (SVS) in Alabama and Tennessee, none has focused on Mississippi. Also, the majority of research has focused on European-Americans. In this study, data was collected from women from northern and central Mississippi, with central residents evenly recruited from urban and rural areas. Of these, 15 were European-American and 19 were African-American. Participants read a word list including target vowels in the b_d frame. F1, F2, and vector length were analyzed to determine to what extent participants exhibited the SVS and Back Vowel Fronting. For the SVS, there were effects such that central residents shifted more than northern, rural residents shifted more than urban, and African-American residents shifted more than European-American. European-American women fronted /u/ and /o/ more than African-American women. These results suggest that African-American women from Mississippi do participate in the SVS but are not fronting their back vowels.

This study investigates the linguistic relationship between Southern and Northern Ndebele. The focus is on the historical background of the two main South African Ndebele groups, covering various linguistic aspects, such as phonology, morphology, lexicography and spelling rules. The research reveals that, despite the fact that Southern and Northern Ndebele share a common name and historical background, the death of the Ndebele ancestral chief, Musi, at KwaMnyamana, which caused this nation to split into Southern and Northern Ndebele, resulted in the two Ndebele languages. As this study shows, these differ substantially from each other. The two Ndebele languages are examined, phonologically, in Chapters Three and Four revealing demonstrable phonological differences. Southern Ndebele, for instance, has several sounds (e.g., click sounds) that do not occur in its northern counterpart, while Northern Ndebele contains a number of non-Nguni sounds (e.g., interdentals) that do not occur in Southern Ndebele. Phonologically, Southern Ndebele, like other Zunda Nguni languages, employs the voiced lateral alveolar fricative phoneme /z/ [z] (e.g., izifo ‘diseases’), whereas Northern Ndebele, like other Tekela Nguni languages, uses the ejective interdental explosive /t/ [t’] (e.g., tifo ‘diseases’). Morphophonologicallly, the so-called denasalition feature that both languages manifest in their primary and secondary nasal compounds (i.e., Classes 9 and 10 noun class prefixes) occurs in almost opposing ways. In Southern Ndebele, the nasal /n/ resurfaces in all noun class prefixes of Class 10 nouns, while in Northern Ndebele, it occurs only in the noun class prefixes with monosyllabic stems or stems beginning with a voiced or semi-voiced consonant. This morphophonological feature (denasalisation) has spread to other grammatical environments, such as adjectival concords, inclusive quantitative pronouns and all formatives with the nasal compound ng [g] , in Northern Ndebele. The two languages also reveal that there are differences in assimilation, syllabification, palatalization, vowel elision, vowel substitution, consonantalization, glide insertion and labialization. Chapters Five to Eight focus on morphological differences. Here, the two Ndebele languages show differences in the various word categories: nouns, pronouns, qualificatives, copulatives, adverbs, moods, tenses, verbs, auxiliary verbs, conjunctives and ideophones. For instance, whereas Southern Ndebele noun class prefixes, like other Nguni languages – such as isiZulu and isiXhosa – comprises the pre-prefix + basic prefix + stem (e.g., u-mu-ntu ‘person’ a-ba-ntu ‘people’), in Northern Ndebele, this word category comprises the basic prefix + stem like Sotho languages (e.g., mu-nru ‘person’ ba-nru ‘people’). In addition, while the noun class prefix of Class 8 in Southern Ndebele contains a nasal before polysyllabic noun stems (e.g., iinkhova ‘owls’), in Northern Ndebele, Class 8 noun class prefixes contain no nasal (e.g., tikxabula ‘shoe’). Lexically, the most salient differences are that, although the two Ndebele languages share similar Nguni vocabulary, they have been unequally influenced by the neighbouring Sotho languages. Most importantly, despite the fact that both Ndebele languages have borrowed words from Northern Sotho and Setswana, Northern Ndebele has borrowed many more terms than Southern Ndebele. Lastly, in line with the Southern Ndebele (2008) and Northern Ndebele (2001) Spelling Rules, this investigation observes that the two Ndebele languages differ radically. In Southern Ndebele, for instance, there are numerous language aspects that have spelling rules governing their encryption, but in Northern Ndebele no rules exist as yet for such aspects. The findings reveal that Southern and Northern can be regarded as two distinct languages that deserve autonomous development even though they trace their origin from the same historical source. / Thesis (DLitt)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / African Languages / unrestricted

The purpose of this study was to compare changes in acoustic and kinematic measures of articulation across soft, comfortable, and loud speech conditions. There were 19 participants, 9 male and 10 female, with age ranging from 20 to 34 with a median age of 25. Each participant had electromagnetic sensors glued to their tongue, jaw, and lips. It was anticipated that the acoustic measures would accurately reflect the kinematic measures of speech as articulation changed across the intensity levels. Vowel space area (VSA) and vowel articulation index (VAI) were computed from the three corner vowels, /α, i, u/. Articulatory-acoustic vowel space (AAVS), a sentence-level acoustic measure, was computed from the continuous formant histories for all voiced segments in a sentence. Kinematic-vowel space area (KVSA), kinematic-vowel articulation index (KVAI), and articulatory-kinematic vowel space (AKVS) were the kinematic equivalents of the acoustic measures, and were newly developed for the present study. Stroke metrics based on the speed history of the lingual movements were also used to reveal average kinematic features of the articulatory gestures in each participant's speech. The data revealed that the isolated acoustic and kinematic measures that used corner vowels (VSA, VAI. KVSA, KVAI) did not change significantly with intensity. The sentence-level continuous measures of articulatory working space (AAVS and AKVS) increased as speech intensity increased. The other sentence-level kinematic metrics also changed significantly with speech intensity, including increases in hull volume, onset speed, peak speed, mean speed, and distance. Stroke duration decreased as speech intensity increased. These findings suggest that measures based on isolated corner vowels are not as reflective as continuous measures of changes in articulatory movement in speech.

The intricacies and exceptions of high vowel deletion in Old English have been the subject of much debate in recent historical phonology. Traditional philological handbooks such as Campbell (1959) describe the process within the assumptions of the Neogrammarian tradition. As such, high vowel deletion has been described as a phonological process that removes historically high and synchronically unstressed vowels after a heavy syllable, or two light syllables. However, the descriptions in these handbooks also reveal that exceptions are common, and as per the Neogrammarian tradition, these are usually assumed to be the result of analogy. In contrast, recent studies have sought to account for the exceptions in a way that lends more explanatory power (e.g. Stratal Optimality accounts including Bermúdez-Otero 2005). Such accounts have shown that there is more to the exceptions than analogy, and that phonological rules, as their synchronic activity declines, can become entangled with other morphological and phonological conditioning, due to the high levels of surface opacity that causes them to become unlearnable. Many of the accounts of high vowel deletion have focused on the West Saxon of Alfred (Early WS) and Ælfric (late WS), and recent descriptions of high vowel deletion have largely focused upon the noun declensions (e.g. Bermúdez-Otero in prep) and the weak verb preterites (Minkova 2012). In this study, I focus in particular upon the behaviour of high vowel deletion in the strong and weak verbs; including the past participles and both the present and preterites. The selected data represent the Early West Saxon dialect and also the Late Northumbrian dialect found in the Lindisfarne Gospel gloss. Discussion of the process as found in nouns and adjectives will also be incorporated. The study has two larger aims: 1. To provide an analysis of syncope for newly collected data sets from Early West Saxon and Lindisfarne verbs, and 2. To contribute to the debate surrounding how to account for morphophonological interaction within inflexional paradigms. The data reveal evidence to show that high vowel deletion is indeed suffering from the demise of its original phonological conditions in the verbs. It is not argued however that full lexicalization has yet taken place throughout the verbs. Instead, the data present a range of degrees of morphologization, within which the original phonological conditions have become supplemented by additional morphological conditions. Additional phonological conditioning is also in evidence. The Lindisfarne strong past participles, it is argued, represent a morphological category within which weight-based syncope is synchronically blocked. The wider question of how and why morphological and phonological conditions come to be added to existing phonological processes is addressed, and I argue that such phenomena result from unsustainable levels of opacity in the grammar (Anderson 1989), and that a theoretical framework that allows for the interaction of phonology and morphology within the grammar is necessary. The Optimality Theoretic analyses proposed in this study have the benefit of accounting for instances of phonologization through constraint interaction. It is also argued that the ways in which morphological category determines a) the way in which a phonological condition applies, and b) whether it applies at all, is best analysed using cophonological analyses (Anttila 2002a etc.).

No description available.

The current study tests the use of vowel duration as a cue for the voicing of the following stop by Saudi ESL learners. It is mainly constructed on the Language Transfer Theory (LTT) established by Gass and Selinker (1994), the Ontogeny Phylogeny Model (OPM) formulated by Major (2001), the Perceptual Assimilation Model (PAM) developed by Best (1994, 1995), and the Speech Learning Model (SLM) developed by Flege (1995). The instrument contained 30 English monosyllabic minimal pairs of the type CVC. The participants, who were living in the US, consisted of two groups: 5 advanced Saudi ESL learners with linguistic knowledge and 10 advanced Saudi ESL learners without linguistic knowledge. Results showed that both groups of participants (those with linguistics background and those without linguistics background) were fairly accurate at predicting final voiceless Coronal and Dorsal stops after a shorter vowel. On the other hand, they both had equal difficulties predicting voiced stops in this environment. This would explain why participants in both groups overall seemed to be listening for the voicing status of the final stop and disregarding differences in vowel length as a predictor of that voicing. Individual participants, overall, were quite uniform in their responses regardless of any background in linguistics. This finding suggests that participants in both groups relied much more on the actual voicing of the final stops than they did on the length of the preceding vowel.