This study is based on a need for teacher union involvement in the management of schools to enhance effective teaching and efficient learning. The rationale behind it was to disclose the current perceptions of school managers concerning teacher union involvement in the management of schools in the Vryheid region, with a view to determining the extent to which their perceptions of teacher unions could be positively influenced to allow for proper consultative school management as well as active participation of teacher union members in the decision-making process. The study revealed that the school managers' perceptions and attitudes are central to teacher union involvement in the management of schools. If negative, no effective participatory school management can materialise. The role of the perceptions and attitudes of school managers in the realisation of the goal of participative school management is indispensable. The empirical survey and literature revealed that school managers are in a good position to address the serious shortcomings regarding the manner in which teacher unions are perceived in schools. / Educational Leadership and Management / M. Ed. (Education Management)

This study is based on a need for teacher union involvement in the management of schools to enhance effective teaching and efficient learning. The rationale behind it was to disclose the current perceptions of school managers concerning teacher union involvement in the management of schools in the Vryheid region, with a view to determining the extent to which their perceptions of teacher unions could be positively influenced to allow for proper consultative school management as well as active participation of teacher union members in the decision-making process. The study revealed that the school managers' perceptions and attitudes are central to teacher union involvement in the management of schools. If negative, no effective participatory school management can materialise. The role of the perceptions and attitudes of school managers in the realisation of the goal of participative school management is indispensable. The empirical survey and literature revealed that school managers are in a good position to address the serious shortcomings regarding the manner in which teacher unions are perceived in schools. / Educational Leadership and Management / M. Ed. (Education Management)

This study investigated human resource challenges besetting school managers in Vryheid district in Zululand region in KwaZulu-Natal: an educational management perspective. The target population consisted of school managers in the service of KwaZulu-Natal Province, Zululand Region in Vryheid district in the Department of Education. For educators to perform satisfactorily, their skills, abilities and motives to perform duties must match their job requirements. Managers must recruit and select qualified and dedicated staff members for the effectiveness of the school depends on the effectiveness of the staff. The challenges of school managers are to attract, recruit, retain, motivate and develop the staff. They should not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone. They have to redress the past imbalances when appointing the staff. They work under stressful conditions with different types of people, all with their own beliefs, values, cultures and work ethics. Educators with best results are promoted to senior positions where they are sometimes not utilised. Learners are becoming more uncontrollable, rude, violent and undisciplined. some are promoted and others. Endless strikes, turnover, absenteeism, redeployment, late coming, over-crowded classrooms, many changes, poor performance; hostility is very common in schools. The growing numbers of educators, who die, retire, promoted and resigning each year, resulting in the shortage of experienced educators to substitute them. The lack of reliable resources or help within the Department of Education. . A qualitative explanatory and descriptive approach has been adopted in the present research to investigate school managers’ challenges. The research findings of the investigation confirmed that numerous challenges exist in schools and that school managers require training and intervention strategies to help them cope with the changes in the education system in South Africa. The limitations and recommendations were discussed. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Education Management)

This study investigated human resource challenges besetting school managers in Vryheid district in Zululand region in KwaZulu-Natal: an educational management perspective. The target population consisted of school managers in the service of KwaZulu-Natal Province, Zululand Region in Vryheid district in the Department of Education. For educators to perform satisfactorily, their skills, abilities and motives to perform duties must match their job requirements. Managers must recruit and select qualified and dedicated staff members for the effectiveness of the school depends on the effectiveness of the staff. The challenges of school managers are to attract, recruit, retain, motivate and develop the staff. They should not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone. They have to redress the past imbalances when appointing the staff. They work under stressful conditions with different types of people, all with their own beliefs, values, cultures and work ethics. Educators with best results are promoted to senior positions where they are sometimes not utilised. Learners are becoming more uncontrollable, rude, violent and undisciplined. some are promoted and others. Endless strikes, turnover, absenteeism, redeployment, late coming, over-crowded classrooms, many changes, poor performance; hostility is very common in schools. The growing numbers of educators, who die, retire, promoted and resigning each year, resulting in the shortage of experienced educators to substitute them. The lack of reliable resources or help within the Department of Education. . A qualitative explanatory and descriptive approach has been adopted in the present research to investigate school managers’ challenges. The research findings of the investigation confirmed that numerous challenges exist in schools and that school managers require training and intervention strategies to help them cope with the changes in the education system in South Africa. The limitations and recommendations were discussed. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Education Management)

'n Onafhanklike, ondersoekende en verantwoordelike media word beskou as een van die belangrikste rolspelers waarvan die behoud van die demokrasie in Suid- Afrika afhanklik is. Die regte en vryhede van die media geniet grondwetlike erkenning en beskerming. As fundamentele regte en onontbeerlike komponente van mediavryheid, waarborg die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, 1996 aan elkeen die reg op vryheid van uitdrukking (artikel 16) en die reg op toegang tot inligting (artikel 32). Die grondwetlike beskerming van mediavryheid bemagtig die media om (i) openbare aangeleenthede in belang van die publiek aan te spreek, (ii) die staat tot deursigtigheid, openheid en verantwoording op te roep en (iii) as teenwig teen magsmisbruik en wanpraktyke aan regeringskant op te tree. Die reg op mediavryheid is egter nie absoluut afdwingbaar nie en kan gevolglik in die toepassing daarvan beperk word. Die staat beskik oor die gesag om dié reg aan beperkings onderhewig te stel ten einde ander individuele fundamentele regte te beskerm of belangrike openbare belange te dien. Sodanige staatsoptrede is egter slegs moontlik indien dit, weens die oppergesag van die Grondwet (artikel 2), in ooreenstemming met die grondwetlike bepalings geskied. Desnieteenstaande word die media, ondanks die belangrike rol wat hulle ter behoud van die demokrasie in Suid-Afrika vervul en die grondwetlike erkenning en beskerming wat aan mediavryheid verleen word, voortdurend onder groot druk geplaas. Die meeste druk kom van die staat se kant. Die aanname en beoogde implementering van die Protection of State Information Bill, 2010 dien as mees resente voorbeeld hiervan. Staats- en administratiefregtelike beperkings op mediavryheid sal, indien die Wetsontwerp gepromulgeer word, aan die orde van die dag wees. Aangesien die voorgenome beperkings op grond van hulle potensiële ongrondwetlikheid wyd gekritiseer word, is dit die vernaamste doel van hierdie studie om die grondwetlike grense waarbinne die staat mediavryheid mag beperk, te omlyn en ondersoek in te stel na die trefwydte en grondwetlikheid van die staat se gesag om beperkings op mediavryheid te plaas. Deur die omvang van staatsgesag in die algemeen en in besonder rakende die beperking van mediavryheid, aan die hand van die relevante grondwetlike voorskrifte te ondersoek, is bevind dat alle staatsoptrede streng deur die Grondwet gereguleer word. Alhoewel die reg op mediavryheid vatbaar is vir regulering en beperking, is tot die slotsom gekom dat die Grondwet ingevolge artikels 33 en 36 duidelike grense vir die beperking daarvan deur die staat stel. Alle uitvoerende en administratiewe staatsorgane wat kragtens wetgewing en uit hoofde van die diskresionêre bevoegdhede wat aan hulle verleen word, die reg op mediavryheid beperk, moet aan die vereistes vir regverdige administratiewe optrede voldoen. Bygevolg moet alle administratiewe besluite en handelinge wat die reg op mediavryheid beperk, regmatig, redelik en prosedureel billik wees en met die verskaffing van voldoende skriftelike redes gepaard gaan. Sowel staatsregtelike as administratiefregtelike beperkings op mediavryheid moet voldoen aan die vereistes wat die algemene beperkingsklousule vir die grondwetlike beperking van fundamentele regte stel. Enige beperking van die reg op mediavryheid moet dus kragtens 'n algemeen geldende regsvoorskrif geskied en moet, met in agneming van die artikel 36-sleutelfaktore, as redelik en regverdigbaar binne 'n oop en demokratiese samelewing gebaseer op menswaardigheid, gelykheid en vryheid plaasvind. Enige staats- en administratiefregtelike beperkings op mediavryheid wat nie aan hierdie grondwetlike vereistes voldoen nie, is gevolglik ongrondwetlik. Nadat die bepalings ter beperking van mediavryheid deur die Protection of State Information Bill, 2010 krities ontleed is, is bevind dat dit nie daarin sal slaag om die grondwetlike toets te slaag nie. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

'n Onafhanklike, ondersoekende en verantwoordelike media word beskou as een van die belangrikste rolspelers waarvan die behoud van die demokrasie in Suid- Afrika afhanklik is. Die regte en vryhede van die media geniet grondwetlike erkenning en beskerming. As fundamentele regte en onontbeerlike komponente van mediavryheid, waarborg die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, 1996 aan elkeen die reg op vryheid van uitdrukking (artikel 16) en die reg op toegang tot inligting (artikel 32). Die grondwetlike beskerming van mediavryheid bemagtig die media om (i) openbare aangeleenthede in belang van die publiek aan te spreek, (ii) die staat tot deursigtigheid, openheid en verantwoording op te roep en (iii) as teenwig teen magsmisbruik en wanpraktyke aan regeringskant op te tree. Die reg op mediavryheid is egter nie absoluut afdwingbaar nie en kan gevolglik in die toepassing daarvan beperk word. Die staat beskik oor die gesag om dié reg aan beperkings onderhewig te stel ten einde ander individuele fundamentele regte te beskerm of belangrike openbare belange te dien. Sodanige staatsoptrede is egter slegs moontlik indien dit, weens die oppergesag van die Grondwet (artikel 2), in ooreenstemming met die grondwetlike bepalings geskied. Desnieteenstaande word die media, ondanks die belangrike rol wat hulle ter behoud van die demokrasie in Suid-Afrika vervul en die grondwetlike erkenning en beskerming wat aan mediavryheid verleen word, voortdurend onder groot druk geplaas. Die meeste druk kom van die staat se kant. Die aanname en beoogde implementering van die Protection of State Information Bill, 2010 dien as mees resente voorbeeld hiervan. Staats- en administratiefregtelike beperkings op mediavryheid sal, indien die Wetsontwerp gepromulgeer word, aan die orde van die dag wees. Aangesien die voorgenome beperkings op grond van hulle potensiële ongrondwetlikheid wyd gekritiseer word, is dit die vernaamste doel van hierdie studie om die grondwetlike grense waarbinne die staat mediavryheid mag beperk, te omlyn en ondersoek in te stel na die trefwydte en grondwetlikheid van die staat se gesag om beperkings op mediavryheid te plaas. Deur die omvang van staatsgesag in die algemeen en in besonder rakende die beperking van mediavryheid, aan die hand van die relevante grondwetlike voorskrifte te ondersoek, is bevind dat alle staatsoptrede streng deur die Grondwet gereguleer word. Alhoewel die reg op mediavryheid vatbaar is vir regulering en beperking, is tot die slotsom gekom dat die Grondwet ingevolge artikels 33 en 36 duidelike grense vir die beperking daarvan deur die staat stel. Alle uitvoerende en administratiewe staatsorgane wat kragtens wetgewing en uit hoofde van die diskresionêre bevoegdhede wat aan hulle verleen word, die reg op mediavryheid beperk, moet aan die vereistes vir regverdige administratiewe optrede voldoen. Bygevolg moet alle administratiewe besluite en handelinge wat die reg op mediavryheid beperk, regmatig, redelik en prosedureel billik wees en met die verskaffing van voldoende skriftelike redes gepaard gaan. Sowel staatsregtelike as administratiefregtelike beperkings op mediavryheid moet voldoen aan die vereistes wat die algemene beperkingsklousule vir die grondwetlike beperking van fundamentele regte stel. Enige beperking van die reg op mediavryheid moet dus kragtens 'n algemeen geldende regsvoorskrif geskied en moet, met in agneming van die artikel 36-sleutelfaktore, as redelik en regverdigbaar binne 'n oop en demokratiese samelewing gebaseer op menswaardigheid, gelykheid en vryheid plaasvind. Enige staats- en administratiefregtelike beperkings op mediavryheid wat nie aan hierdie grondwetlike vereistes voldoen nie, is gevolglik ongrondwetlik. Nadat die bepalings ter beperking van mediavryheid deur die Protection of State Information Bill, 2010 krities ontleed is, is bevind dat dit nie daarin sal slaag om die grondwetlike toets te slaag nie. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The South African legal system is dualistic in nature with the one part consisting of the Western common law and the other consisting of African customary law. Although these two legal systems enjoy equal recognition, they regularly come into conflict with each other due to their divergent value systems. It is especially within the context of the South African criminal law that this conflict becomes apparent, because an accused's conduct can be viewed as lawful in terms of African customary law, but unlawful in terms of the South African common law. In such cases the accused may attempt to raise a cultural defence by putting forth evidence of his cultural background or values to convince the court that his prima facie unlawful conduct is actually lawful and that he should escape criminal liability. Alternatively, an accused may put forth evidence of his cultural background or values in an attempt to receive a lighter sentence. The question which therefore arises is whether a so-called "cultural defence" exists in the South African criminal law, and if so, what the influence of such a defence on the South African criminal law is. The conflict between African Customary law and the South African common law in the context of the criminal law arises due to the fact that the indigenous belief in witchcraft, (including witch-killings), the indigenous belief in the tokoloshe and the use of muti-medicine (including muti-murders), as well as the phenomenon of "necklacing" and the custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of various common law crimes. In the case of witch-killings, the perpetrators can be charged with the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, attempted murder, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. Similarly, necklacing, as a method used for killing witches, can also result in the commission of these common law crimes. What is more, the perpetrators of witch-killings can also be charged with the statutory crimes of accusing someone of witchcraft, pointing the victim out as being a witch or wizard or injuring a person based on information received from a traditional healer, or similar person. The indigenous belief in the tokoloshe can lead to the commission of the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. The perpetrators of mutimurders can also face charges of murder or attempted murder, if the victim survives. The indigenous custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of common law crimes such as abduction, kidnapping and common assault, as well as the statutory crime of rape. A perusal of South African case law dealing with the indigenous beliefs and customs above reveals that the accused in such cases have indeed attempted to put forth evidence of their indigenous beliefs or customs to persuade the criminal courts that they should escape criminal liability for a particular crime. In fact, these arguments were raised within the context of the existing common law defences such as private defence, necessity, involuntary conduct and a lack of criminal capacity. However, the South African criminal courts have up till now in general been unwilling to accept arguments of indigenous beliefs and customs to serve as a defence, either alone or within the context of the existing defences above, for the commission of a common law or statutory crime. They have, however, been more willing to accept evidence of an accused's indigenous belief or custom to serve as a mitigating factor during sentencing. The extent to which an accused's cultural background will serve as a mitigating factor will, of course, depend on the facts and circumstances of each case. As a result an accused who is charged with the commission of a culturally motivated crime has no guarantee that his cultural background and values will in fact be considered as a mitigating factor during his criminal trial. It is thus ultimately concluded that a so-called "cultural defence" does not exist in the South African Criminal law. The indigenous beliefs and customs above not only result in the commission of common law or statutory crimes, but also in the infringement of various fundamental human rights in the Constitution. Witch-killings result in the infringement of the constitutional right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person. However, witches and wizards who are persecuted for practising witchcraft are also denied their right to a fair trial entrenched in the Constitution. Similarly, muti-murders and necklacing also result in the infringement of the right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person entrenched in the Constitution. The custom of ukuthwala results in the infringement of the right to equality, the right to freedom and security of the person, the right to live in an environment that is not harmful to health or well-being, the right not to be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, the right to basic education and other constitutional safeguards aimed at protecting children. In light of the constitutional right to freedom of culture and the right to freely participate in a cultural life of one's choosing the question can be asked whether the time has come to formally recognise a cultural defence in the South African criminal law. In this study it is argued that these constitutional rights do not warrant the formal recognition of a cultural defence. Instead, it is recommended that the conflict between African customary law and the South African common law can be resolved by bringing indigenous beliefs and customs in line with the values that underpin the Constitution as the supreme law of South Africa. Of course, this does not mean that the courts should ignore cultural considerations during a criminal trial if and when they arise. In fact, as pointed out in this study, the courts have a constitutional duty to apply African customary law when that law is applicable. It goes without saying that, when an accused attempts to escape criminal liability for his unlawful conduct by raising arguments of his cultural background, African customary law will be applicable and must be considered by the court. This in turn raises the question as to how the criminal courts can ensure that they give enough consideration to the possibility that an accused's criminal conduct was culturally motivated so as to comply with their constitutional mandate referred to above. Although it would be nearly impossible to formulate a perfect or flawless approach according to which a judicial officer can adjudicate criminal matters involving culturally motivated crimes, the author suggests the following practical approach which may provide some guidance to judicial officers in dealing with cases involving culturally motivated crimes: • Step 1: Consider whether the commission of the crime was culturally motivated or not. If it seems as though the accused did not commit a culturally motivated crime, the trial can continue on that basis. If, however, it is evident that the accused indeed committed a culturally motivated crime, step 2 follows. • Step 2: Once it has been determined that the commission of the crime was culturally motivated, the next step is to determine which indigenous belief or custom led to the commission of the crime. Once the relevant indigenous belief or custom has been identified, step 3 follows. • Step 3: When it is clear which indigenous belief or custom led to the accused's commission of the crime, the next step is to determine whether arguments pertaining to that particular indigenous belief or custom may be raised within the context of the existing defences in the South African Criminal law in order to exclude the accused's criminal liability. If an accused relies on one of the existing defences in the South African criminal law, he will have to lay a proper evidential foundation for his defence before the court. In assessing the evidence put forth by the accused, the judicial officer must consider the judgment and reasoning in previous cases dealing with the particular indigenous belief or custom. A judicial officer must also consider the values underpinning the Constitution when conducting such an assessment. If a judicial officer upholds an accused's defence, the accused is acquitted. However, if the judicial officer rejects an accused's defence, the accused must be convicted and step 4 follows. • Step 4: Once an accused has been convicted, a court should consider whether arguments of his cultural background can serve as an extenuating circumstance, mitigating the punishment to be imposed on him. However, the practical approach above merely serves as a suggestion to judicial officers in dealing with culturally motivated crimes and ultimately it will be up to the judiciary to develop both the Western common law and African customary law to resolve the criminal law conflicts between these two legal systems. The research for this study was concluded in November 2013. / LLD, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

The South African legal system is dualistic in nature with the one part consisting of the Western common law and the other consisting of African customary law. Although these two legal systems enjoy equal recognition, they regularly come into conflict with each other due to their divergent value systems. It is especially within the context of the South African criminal law that this conflict becomes apparent, because an accused's conduct can be viewed as lawful in terms of African customary law, but unlawful in terms of the South African common law. In such cases the accused may attempt to raise a cultural defence by putting forth evidence of his cultural background or values to convince the court that his prima facie unlawful conduct is actually lawful and that he should escape criminal liability. Alternatively, an accused may put forth evidence of his cultural background or values in an attempt to receive a lighter sentence. The question which therefore arises is whether a so-called "cultural defence" exists in the South African criminal law, and if so, what the influence of such a defence on the South African criminal law is. The conflict between African Customary law and the South African common law in the context of the criminal law arises due to the fact that the indigenous belief in witchcraft, (including witch-killings), the indigenous belief in the tokoloshe and the use of muti-medicine (including muti-murders), as well as the phenomenon of "necklacing" and the custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of various common law crimes. In the case of witch-killings, the perpetrators can be charged with the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, attempted murder, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. Similarly, necklacing, as a method used for killing witches, can also result in the commission of these common law crimes. What is more, the perpetrators of witch-killings can also be charged with the statutory crimes of accusing someone of witchcraft, pointing the victim out as being a witch or wizard or injuring a person based on information received from a traditional healer, or similar person. The indigenous belief in the tokoloshe can lead to the commission of the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. The perpetrators of mutimurders can also face charges of murder or attempted murder, if the victim survives. The indigenous custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of common law crimes such as abduction, kidnapping and common assault, as well as the statutory crime of rape. A perusal of South African case law dealing with the indigenous beliefs and customs above reveals that the accused in such cases have indeed attempted to put forth evidence of their indigenous beliefs or customs to persuade the criminal courts that they should escape criminal liability for a particular crime. In fact, these arguments were raised within the context of the existing common law defences such as private defence, necessity, involuntary conduct and a lack of criminal capacity. However, the South African criminal courts have up till now in general been unwilling to accept arguments of indigenous beliefs and customs to serve as a defence, either alone or within the context of the existing defences above, for the commission of a common law or statutory crime. They have, however, been more willing to accept evidence of an accused's indigenous belief or custom to serve as a mitigating factor during sentencing. The extent to which an accused's cultural background will serve as a mitigating factor will, of course, depend on the facts and circumstances of each case. As a result an accused who is charged with the commission of a culturally motivated crime has no guarantee that his cultural background and values will in fact be considered as a mitigating factor during his criminal trial. It is thus ultimately concluded that a so-called "cultural defence" does not exist in the South African Criminal law. The indigenous beliefs and customs above not only result in the commission of common law or statutory crimes, but also in the infringement of various fundamental human rights in the Constitution. Witch-killings result in the infringement of the constitutional right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person. However, witches and wizards who are persecuted for practising witchcraft are also denied their right to a fair trial entrenched in the Constitution. Similarly, muti-murders and necklacing also result in the infringement of the right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person entrenched in the Constitution. The custom of ukuthwala results in the infringement of the right to equality, the right to freedom and security of the person, the right to live in an environment that is not harmful to health or well-being, the right not to be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, the right to basic education and other constitutional safeguards aimed at protecting children. In light of the constitutional right to freedom of culture and the right to freely participate in a cultural life of one's choosing the question can be asked whether the time has come to formally recognise a cultural defence in the South African criminal law. In this study it is argued that these constitutional rights do not warrant the formal recognition of a cultural defence. Instead, it is recommended that the conflict between African customary law and the South African common law can be resolved by bringing indigenous beliefs and customs in line with the values that underpin the Constitution as the supreme law of South Africa. Of course, this does not mean that the courts should ignore cultural considerations during a criminal trial if and when they arise. In fact, as pointed out in this study, the courts have a constitutional duty to apply African customary law when that law is applicable. It goes without saying that, when an accused attempts to escape criminal liability for his unlawful conduct by raising arguments of his cultural background, African customary law will be applicable and must be considered by the court. This in turn raises the question as to how the criminal courts can ensure that they give enough consideration to the possibility that an accused's criminal conduct was culturally motivated so as to comply with their constitutional mandate referred to above. Although it would be nearly impossible to formulate a perfect or flawless approach according to which a judicial officer can adjudicate criminal matters involving culturally motivated crimes, the author suggests the following practical approach which may provide some guidance to judicial officers in dealing with cases involving culturally motivated crimes: • Step 1: Consider whether the commission of the crime was culturally motivated or not. If it seems as though the accused did not commit a culturally motivated crime, the trial can continue on that basis. If, however, it is evident that the accused indeed committed a culturally motivated crime, step 2 follows. • Step 2: Once it has been determined that the commission of the crime was culturally motivated, the next step is to determine which indigenous belief or custom led to the commission of the crime. Once the relevant indigenous belief or custom has been identified, step 3 follows. • Step 3: When it is clear which indigenous belief or custom led to the accused's commission of the crime, the next step is to determine whether arguments pertaining to that particular indigenous belief or custom may be raised within the context of the existing defences in the South African Criminal law in order to exclude the accused's criminal liability. If an accused relies on one of the existing defences in the South African criminal law, he will have to lay a proper evidential foundation for his defence before the court. In assessing the evidence put forth by the accused, the judicial officer must consider the judgment and reasoning in previous cases dealing with the particular indigenous belief or custom. A judicial officer must also consider the values underpinning the Constitution when conducting such an assessment. If a judicial officer upholds an accused's defence, the accused is acquitted. However, if the judicial officer rejects an accused's defence, the accused must be convicted and step 4 follows. • Step 4: Once an accused has been convicted, a court should consider whether arguments of his cultural background can serve as an extenuating circumstance, mitigating the punishment to be imposed on him. However, the practical approach above merely serves as a suggestion to judicial officers in dealing with culturally motivated crimes and ultimately it will be up to the judiciary to develop both the Western common law and African customary law to resolve the criminal law conflicts between these two legal systems. The research for this study was concluded in November 2013. / LLD, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Recent attacks on media freedom in South Africa, that includes the ruling ANC party’s proposal for statutory regulation of the press, have seen press self-regulation fiercely contested and the ombudsman of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA) defending the press’ constitutional right to freedom of expression. Extensive arguments have been made by government, the public and the press for other forms of press regulation, such as statutory and independent co-regulation. In addition no accurate, detailed trends arising from complaints the ombudsman has dealt with in recent years, have been freely available on which arguments in such a debate could be based. This research analyses the complaints dealt with by the press ombudsman in recent years in order to evaluate the present self-regulatory system, which is based primarily on the theories of freedom of expression and social responsibility of the press. The analyses involves determining what trends exist in complaints cases that the ombudsman, Joe Thloloe, has dealt with since he took office in August 2007, until August 2011 when a Review of his office was published by the PCSA. The study takes a qualitative approach, with some degree of quantification, and utilises document analysis and qualitative content analysis as data collection methods to analyse 593 cases, with specific focus on government complaints which form 15% of all cases analysed. The findings reflect that the ombudsman’s approach in dealing with complaints was fair, that he displayed intolerance for transgressions and that his rulings were free of any obvious bias. This is evident in, amongst other findings, the very few appeals lodged against his rulings and even less successful appeals. In addition the press often voluntarily corrected their mistakes before prompted by the ombudsman. The findings also dispel some of the ANC’s criticisms that have led to its calls for statutory press regulation, such as the public and government’s acceptance of the self-regulation system, complaints from government largely having involved accuracy and not privacy as the ANC claimed, and that government’s failure to sign the legal waiver often resulted in cases being dismissed. The findings also point to a significant increase in complaints, specifically from government, in the year 2010, which is the year in which the ANC renewed its calls for statutory regulation. This does not necessarily reflect a sudden decline in the quality of journalism but rather indicates that the ruling party differed fundamentally in its philosophical thinking regarding the press, which was perhaps informed by a developmental model of the press rather than the social responsibility model on which the present system is based. In this sense the government sees it fit to interfere or censor the press if it feels the system is not performing. The findings show the ombudsman’s office lacked proper record-keeping from which accurate statistics could be derived, leaving a gap for criticism against the ombudsman. In addition, most often complaints against newspapers involved accuracy and fairness (such as not asking for comment). As is evident in several complaints falling outside the ombudsman’s mandate and the high number of dismissed cases, the findings also point to a lack of awareness or information of the system and of the ombudsman’s roles. In light of the theoretical frameworks that set out how the self-regulation system, which is entrenched in the notion of press freedom, can enhance the cause of press freedom by its ombudsman enforcing a socially responsible Press Code, the findings ultimately lead to the conclusion that the ombudsman’s work has advanced the cause of press freedom in South Africa during the research period. / Thesis (MA (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Recent attacks on media freedom in South Africa, that includes the ruling ANC party’s proposal for statutory regulation of the press, have seen press self-regulation fiercely contested and the ombudsman of the Press Council of South Africa (PCSA) defending the press’ constitutional right to freedom of expression. Extensive arguments have been made by government, the public and the press for other forms of press regulation, such as statutory and independent co-regulation. In addition no accurate, detailed trends arising from complaints the ombudsman has dealt with in recent years, have been freely available on which arguments in such a debate could be based. This research analyses the complaints dealt with by the press ombudsman in recent years in order to evaluate the present self-regulatory system, which is based primarily on the theories of freedom of expression and social responsibility of the press. The analyses involves determining what trends exist in complaints cases that the ombudsman, Joe Thloloe, has dealt with since he took office in August 2007, until August 2011 when a Review of his office was published by the PCSA. The study takes a qualitative approach, with some degree of quantification, and utilises document analysis and qualitative content analysis as data collection methods to analyse 593 cases, with specific focus on government complaints which form 15% of all cases analysed. The findings reflect that the ombudsman’s approach in dealing with complaints was fair, that he displayed intolerance for transgressions and that his rulings were free of any obvious bias. This is evident in, amongst other findings, the very few appeals lodged against his rulings and even less successful appeals. In addition the press often voluntarily corrected their mistakes before prompted by the ombudsman. The findings also dispel some of the ANC’s criticisms that have led to its calls for statutory press regulation, such as the public and government’s acceptance of the self-regulation system, complaints from government largely having involved accuracy and not privacy as the ANC claimed, and that government’s failure to sign the legal waiver often resulted in cases being dismissed. The findings also point to a significant increase in complaints, specifically from government, in the year 2010, which is the year in which the ANC renewed its calls for statutory regulation. This does not necessarily reflect a sudden decline in the quality of journalism but rather indicates that the ruling party differed fundamentally in its philosophical thinking regarding the press, which was perhaps informed by a developmental model of the press rather than the social responsibility model on which the present system is based. In this sense the government sees it fit to interfere or censor the press if it feels the system is not performing. The findings show the ombudsman’s office lacked proper record-keeping from which accurate statistics could be derived, leaving a gap for criticism against the ombudsman. In addition, most often complaints against newspapers involved accuracy and fairness (such as not asking for comment). As is evident in several complaints falling outside the ombudsman’s mandate and the high number of dismissed cases, the findings also point to a lack of awareness or information of the system and of the ombudsman’s roles. In light of the theoretical frameworks that set out how the self-regulation system, which is entrenched in the notion of press freedom, can enhance the cause of press freedom by its ombudsman enforcing a socially responsible Press Code, the findings ultimately lead to the conclusion that the ombudsman’s work has advanced the cause of press freedom in South Africa during the research period. / Thesis (MA (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013