Spelling suggestions: "subject:"warlords"" "subject:"landlordism""
1 |
Building peace in warlord situations /Hisey, Braden W. January 2002 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Anna Simons. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
|
2 |
Building peace in warlord situations /Hisey, Braden W. January 1900 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "June 2002." AD-A404 592. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.
|
3 |
The political economy of warlord democracy in AfghanistanMehran, Weeda January 2015 (has links)
No description available.
|
4 |
Warlords in Africa : a comparative study of Jonas Savimbi and Farah Aideed /Lawack, Marvin Sylvester. January 2008 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / Bibliography. Also available online.
|
5 |
Doprovodné jevy peacekeepingových misí OSN / Side Effects of UN Peacekeeping missionsMenšíková, Jana January 2009 (has links)
Diploma thesis Side Effects of UN Peacekeeping Missions deals with negative sid e ef f e cts of UN peacekeeping operations. The work aims at showing the relation between certain factors and the emergence of the side eff ect s. To do so, four interpretative case studies are used in this thesis. The missions analysed in the case studies share some common characteristics (type of mandate, time period etc.) but differ in the essence of the si de e ff e cts that has been detected during their deployment. For the sid e eff e ct s of human trafficking the UN mission UNMIBH in Bosnia and Hercegovina was analysed, for sexual abuse it was the MONUC in DRC, for diamonds smuggling the UNAMSIL mission in Sierra Leone and for the collaboration with warlords the UNPROFOR in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The applied factors are divided between external (presence of the s id e ef f e cts, the stage of conflict and the efficiency of the central government) and internal (national composition of the mission, level of corruption among the TCC's and the existence of SOFA) and are considered within the context of each case study. This work proofs the relevance of this factors in regard to the emergence of the s id e eff ec ts of peacekeeping.
|
6 |
Conflictualité régionale en Afrique subsaharienne post-bipolaire. Le cas de l'Afrique de l'Ouest de 1989 à 2010 / Post-cold war regional conflictuality in sub-saharan africa. the case of west africa, 1989-2010.Degila, Delidji Eric 21 September 2012 (has links)
Alors que la fin de la bipolarité s’est accompagnée du déclin de la guerre au niveau mondial, l’Afrique subsaharienne connaît depuis le début des années 1990, une résurgence de la violence armée dont la forme la plus courante est la guerre civile. L’Afrique Occidentale est l’une des régions les plus touchées par cette multiplication de conflits armés infraétatiques dont les trois plus importants ont été les guerres civiles libérienne, sierra-léonaise et ivoirienne. Cette conflictualité a donné lieu à l’émergence d’acteurs non étatiques qui, dans un contexte de mondialisation accrue, ont adopté le warlordism comme mode opératoire. Ces guerres internes, parfois qualifiées de « nouvelles guerres », sont à la fois le produit de la crise de l’Etat, de profondes inégalités horizontales, et de l’instrumentalisation des différences identitaires par certaines élites. Elles se sont développées au-delà du cadre national, avec l’implication de différents acteurs transnationaux, et ont favorisé l’émergence d’un véritable « système de guerre » ouest-africain. Elles sont également l’expression d’une remise en cause du modèle étatique westphalien. La conflictualité régionale qui est apparue en Afrique Occidentale post-Guerre froide invite donc à accorder davantage d’attention aux communautés de destin imbriquées qui de plus en plus, occupent une place centrale dans les dynamiques qui façonnent l’Afrique au sud du Sahara. / Whereas the end of bipolarity occurred along with the decline of war at the world level, Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced a surge of armed violence since the early 1990s, in the most common form of civil wars. West Africa is one of the areas mostly affected by the proliferation of intra-state armed conflicts, including three major civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast. Such conflicts, sometimes called « new wars », have led to the emergence of non-state actors who act as warlords, in a context of spreading globalisation. These domestic wars are the result of state crisis, deep horizontal inequalities, and political instrumentalisation by some elites of identity-based differences. Through the involvement of various transnational actors, these armed conflicts have extended beyond the national framework and built an actual West-African « system of war ». They also challenge the Westphalian state-model. Post-Cold war regional conflicts in West Africa hence suggest an increased focus on overlapping communities of fate, which play a key-role in the dynamics shaping Sub-Saharan Africa.
|
7 |
Warlords in Africa : a comparative study of Jonas Savimbi and Farah AideedLawack, Marvin Sylvester 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Abstract:
The African continent has been riddled with conflict for many years. Angola and
Somalia are prime examples of countries having experienced protracted wars. During
those wars, warlords have played a definite role in perpetuating the fighting. The
thesis investigates warlordism in Africa. Specifically, it is a comparative analysis of
Jonas Savimbi of Angola and Farah Aideed of Somalia.
The thesis investigates the concept of warlords and uses the examples of Aideed and
Savimbi to illustrate the impact of warlords on the respective countries. The examples
of Aideed and Savimbi are further used to show that there are different ways to
becoming ultimately labelled as a warlord. The role of state weakness and ethnicity
will be investigated in the two cases. The discussion will highlight the points that state
weakness (i.e. lack of governmental functionality) and the use of ethnicity play a
profound role in the rise and survival of warlords. The case studies of Aideed and
Savimbi will emphasise the influence of state weakness and ethnicity in their
formation as warlords.
The concept of state weakness is defined and the thesis illustrates that there are
different levels of state weakness. The thesis compares Angola and Somalia, and
shows that Savimbi and Aideed acted under vastly different conditions as warlords.
Ethnicity is defined and linked to the idea that the effects of colonialism played a
profound role in creating ethnic divisions, enabling warlords such as Aideed and
Savimbi to use their ethnic backgrounds to mobilise followers to wage war. The thesis
investigates how Aideed and Savimbi maintained their military organisations. Their
ability to do so is related to both state weakness and ethnicity. State weakness and
ethnicity create conditions which are conducive to the emergence of warlords.
|
8 |
Warlords in Africa’s “New Wars” Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor comparedKok, Chantelle 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study was to describe the factors that led to the creation of
warlords in Angola and Sierra Leone so as to better understand the dynamics and
origins of warlord politics. The two warlords that were focused on, and compared,
were Jonas Savimbi (Angola) and Charles Taylor (Liberia and Sierra Leone).
Authors like Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006,
2007) and Collier and Hoeffler (2004) contributed toward the base of this study.
Their work captured the issues contributing toward the warlord phenomenon and
generated thought surrounding the context in which these warlords arose. John
Mackinlay (2000) was used to describe and analyse the origins of warlordism and
how the warlord phenomenon has changed with the onset of new wars, especially in
the late 20th and 21st centuries (Kaldor, 2006). Furthermore, the work of Thomas H.
Greene (1984) was used in guiding this thesis into a systematic study, focusing
mainly on the leadership, following, organization, techniques and external support of
both Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor as examples of contemporary warlords.
Through utilizing the contributions of the above authors on this topic, the similarities
and differences between the two warlords were explored. The study found that
while Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor emerged from different eras and contexts
(Savimbi out of the Cold War and Taylor as a result of globalization), they both
became typical warlords. Savimbi only became a warlord after 1992. Before, Savimbi
used Maoist ideology while an insurgent against Portugal, whereafter he became a
rebel in the Angolan civil war. Taylor was a warlord in diamond-rich neighbouring
Sierra Leone. Both used identity politics to gather a following while Taylor used brute
force and the manipulation of the youth. They both manipulated illicit criminal
networking and operated internationally, smuggling diamonds. The main difference,
however, is that Taylor was an insurgent in Liberia where he seized power in 1990
and became president in 1997, while a warlord in neighbouring Sierra Leone.
Savimbi, on the other hand, never attained presidential power even though he
participated in the 1992 Angolan elections which he lost, whereafter he ceased to be
a revolutionary, and became a real warlord without the external support he previously had. Savimbi was assassinated in 2002 and Taylor abdicated in 2003,
currently standing trial in the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. He
stands trial for the human right atrocities committed in Sierra Leone. Their legacies
live on. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was om die faktore te beskryf wat gely het tot die
ontstaan van krygshere (“warlords“)in Angola en Sierra Leone, en om die dinamika
van krygsheerpolitiek beter te verstaan. Die twee krygshere waarop gefokus en
vergelyk was, is Jonas Savimbi (Angola) en Charles Taylor (Liberië en Sierra Leone).
Die denke van skrywers soos Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000,
2001, 2002, 2006, 2007) en Collier & Hoeffler (2004) het bygedra tot die basis van
hierdie studie. Hulle werk het ingesluit die aspekte wat bygedra het tot die krygsheer
fenomeen, en het besinning aangemoedig oor die agtergrondsfaktore waaruit hierdie
twee krygshere ontstaan het.
John Mackinlay (2000) se werk is gebruik om die oorsprong van krygsheerpolitiek te
beskryf, asook hoe die krygsheerfenomeen verander het met die uitbreek van “nuwe
oorloë“ (Kaldor, 2006), veral aan die einde van die 20ste en 21ste eeue. Verder is
die werk van Thomas H. Greene (1984) gebruik om hierdie tesis ‘n sistematiese
struktuur te gee wat gefokus is op die leierskap, volgelinge, organisasie, tegnieke en
eksterne ondersteuning van Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor. Hierdie twee persone
is albei voorbeelde van kontemporêre krygshere in die jongste verlede.
‘n Vergelykende studie verg dat ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee
krygshere verken word deur gebruik te maak van die bydraes van bogenoemde
skrywers. In die studie is bevind dat alhoewel Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor uit
verskillende eras en agtergrond kom (Savimbi uit die Koue Oorlog en Taylor as
gevolg van globalisasie), albei tipiese krygshere geword het. Savimbi het Maoistiese
ideologie gebruik terwyl hy ’n insurgent teen Portugal was. Daarná het hy ’n rebel in
die Angolese burgeroorlog geword. Hy het eers na 1992 ‘n krygsheer geword nadat
hy die verkiesing verloor het en sy buitelandse steun verloor het. Taylor, aan die
ander kant, was ‘n krygsheer in die diamantryke buurland, Sierra Leone. Altwee
krygshere het identiteitspolitiek gebruik om volgelinge te kry, terwyl Taylor ook
brutale krag en die manipulasie van die jeug gebruik het. Hulle het beide
internasionale diamante gesmokkel deur kriminele netwerke te gebruik. Die groot
vi
verskil is egter dat terwyl Taylor ‘n krygsheer in Sierra Leone was, was hy ook ‘n
insurgent in Liberië, waar hy in 1990 mag gekry het en in 1997 president geword
het.
Savimbi, aan die ander kant, het nooit presidensiële mag verkry nie, alhoewel hy
deelgeneem het aan die 1992 Angolese verkiesing. Hy het daarna opgehou om ‘n
revolusionêr en ‘n rebel te wees en het ‘n ware krygsheer geword (sonder die
eksterne ondersteuning wat hy voorheen gehad het). Savimbi is in 2002 vermoor en
Taylor het in 2003 abdikeer. Taylor is tans onder verhoor in Den Haag waar hy tereg
staan by die Internasionale Strafhof vir oorlogsmisdade en menseregteskendings in
Sierra Leone. Beide hierdie krygshere se nalatenskap leef egter voort.
|
Page generated in 0.0461 seconds