Text in German with German and English summaries / In times of global crisis, eschatological questions gain relevance. The Old Testament concept of HàWH:J moWJ has primary bearing on Christian eschatological expectations. This study examines the discourse of the Day of Yahweh of Amos and Isaiah in the context of their message. Concept and origin of this discourse are controversial. A review of research shows that the current understandings do not adequately answer questions about the origin of this discourse. Both the definitions of “Day of Yahweh” passages and the certitude that HàWH:J moWJ is a technical term seem problematic. Analysis of Amos 5:18-20 shows that, contrary to commonly accepted understanding, a nontechnical understanding of the phrase HàWH:J moWJ is sufficient for interpreting the passage. Linguistically similar phrases in Isaiah also merely relate Yahweh’s historical intervention, and do not refer to an established concept. Only later did a tradition complex arise from this prophetic proclamation. / In Zeiten globaler Krisen gewinnen eschatologische Fragestellungen an Aktualität. Zentrale Bedeutung für die christliche Zukunftserwartung hat der Tag des Herrn, dessen alttestamentlicher Wurzelgrund der HàWH:J moWJ ist. Die Studie untersucht die Rede vom Tag Jahwes bei den Schriftpropheten Amos und Jesaja im Kontext ihrer Verkündigung. Konzept und Herkunft dieser Rede sind umstritten. Ein Forschungsüberblick zeigt, dass die gängigen Erklärungsmodelle die Frage nach der Herkunft dieser Rede nicht ausreichend beantworten. Als problematisch erscheinen die Definitionen von Tag Jahwes-Belegen und die Sicherheit, mit der man die Wendung HàWH:J moWJ als Terminus technicus bezeichnet. Die Untersuchung zu Am 5,18-20 erweist, dass, entgegen dem Common sense der Forschung, ein formales Verständnis der Wendung HàWH:J moWJ zur Interpretation der Rede ausreicht. Ähnliche sprachliche Wendungen bei Jesaja paraphrasieren ebenfalls nur das geschichtliche Eingreifen Jahwes und verweisen nicht auf eine Auseinandersetzung mit einem bestehenden Konzept. Ein Traditionskomplex namens Tag Jahwes erwuchs erst später aus dieser prophetischen Verkündigung. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M. Th. (Old Testament)

This thesis evaluates the nature and role of `the glory of the Lord,' hwhy-dwbk, in Ezekiel 1-24. The introductory chapter will present the relevance of the topic as well as purview the scope of the thesis and the structure of its presentation. Chapter two lays an interpretive foundation for the glory pericope within a central theme in the book of Ezekiel. The intended impact on the exilic audience is discerned through examining the characteristic features of the hwhy-dwbk in Chapter 3. Chapter four identifies three functions of the hwhy-dwbk . A final function of the hwhy-dwbk is explored in its relationship to `the son of adam' in chapter five. A summary of the hypothesis is provided in chapter 6 along with a conclusion. / Biblical and Ancient studies / M. A. (Old Testament)

Text in German with German and English summaries / In times of global crisis, eschatological questions gain relevance. The Old Testament concept of HàWH:J moWJ has primary bearing on Christian eschatological expectations. This study examines the discourse of the Day of Yahweh of Amos and Isaiah in the context of their message. Concept and origin of this discourse are controversial. A review of research shows that the current understandings do not adequately answer questions about the origin of this discourse. Both the definitions of “Day of Yahweh” passages and the certitude that HàWH:J moWJ is a technical term seem problematic. Analysis of Amos 5:18-20 shows that, contrary to commonly accepted understanding, a nontechnical understanding of the phrase HàWH:J moWJ is sufficient for interpreting the passage. Linguistically similar phrases in Isaiah also merely relate Yahweh’s historical intervention, and do not refer to an established concept. Only later did a tradition complex arise from this prophetic proclamation. / In Zeiten globaler Krisen gewinnen eschatologische Fragestellungen an Aktualität. Zentrale Bedeutung für die christliche Zukunftserwartung hat der Tag des Herrn, dessen alttestamentlicher Wurzelgrund der HàWH:J moWJ ist. Die Studie untersucht die Rede vom Tag Jahwes bei den Schriftpropheten Amos und Jesaja im Kontext ihrer Verkündigung. Konzept und Herkunft dieser Rede sind umstritten. Ein Forschungsüberblick zeigt, dass die gängigen Erklärungsmodelle die Frage nach der Herkunft dieser Rede nicht ausreichend beantworten. Als problematisch erscheinen die Definitionen von Tag Jahwes-Belegen und die Sicherheit, mit der man die Wendung HàWH:J moWJ als Terminus technicus bezeichnet. Die Untersuchung zu Am 5,18-20 erweist, dass, entgegen dem Common sense der Forschung, ein formales Verständnis der Wendung HàWH:J moWJ zur Interpretation der Rede ausreicht. Ähnliche sprachliche Wendungen bei Jesaja paraphrasieren ebenfalls nur das geschichtliche Eingreifen Jahwes und verweisen nicht auf eine Auseinandersetzung mit einem bestehenden Konzept. Ein Traditionskomplex namens Tag Jahwes erwuchs erst später aus dieser prophetischen Verkündigung. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M. Th. (Old Testament)

En mettant l’accent sur les figures extrabibliques de Dieu, cette recherche explore des aspects souvent négligés du développement de l’identité de la divinité qui est devenue à certain moment le Dieu unique et tout puissant des monothéismes « abrahamiques ». Pour les Égyptiens tous les baalim étaient des manifestations séthiennes. Seth, divinité très ancienne est devenue figure extrabiblique de Yhwh, très souvent oubliée, on a essayé d’explorer ses différents aspects en suivant son évolution et ses liens avec les populations d’origine sémitique et de manière générale de la côte levantine. Il est à l’autre extrême d’une longue période de temps, précisément au moment du dernier empereur romain non-chrétien, Julien II que l’on va chercher la trace d’une autre figure extrabiblique négligée de Dieu qui est très complexe. Il s’agit, en fait, de multiples approches philosophiques à l’idée d’une divinité supérieure. La deuxième partie de la thèse s’occupe des figures vétérotestamentaires de Dieu. Complément aux figures extrabibliques, on trouve dans la Bible hébraïque fortes traces d’un panthéon primitif autour de Yhwh/El et sa parèdre. Les dynamiques d’assimilation, association, usurpation, fusion et rejet des attributs des membres de cette « famille divine » en faveur d’une seule divinité toute puissante se trouvent dans les textes bibliques. / Putting the accent on the extrabiblical images of God, this research explores some often neglected aspects of the process which lead to the formation of a particular identity for the Only and all mighty God of the “abrahamic” monotheisms. For the Egyptians, all baalim were sethian manifestations. Seth, a very ancient god, became one of the sometimes forgotten Yahwe’s extrabiblical images. We have explored its different aspects following its evolution and ties with semitic populations, and in general with those of the Levantine coast. On the other chronological extreme of a very long historical period, during the reign of the last non-christian Roman Emperor, Julian the 2nd, we looked for another very complex extrabiblical image. It is is in fact, not one but many philosophical approaches to the ida of a superior divine entity. The second chapter studies God’s images inside the Hebrew Bible. These images are related and they complete the extrabiblica ones. In the biblical text we find strong tacs of an ancient local pantheon leaded by Yahweh/El and his paredra. We find in the biblical texts dynamics of assimilation, association, substitution, equivalence, fussion and rejection of divine attributs from this “family of gods” to the Only God.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2017-01-26T11:40:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Cecilia Toseli.pdf: 1189941 bytes, checksum: 0ab0914b4b6e1ae56436d73ef318ee0f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-26T11:40:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cecilia Toseli.pdf: 1189941 bytes, checksum: 0ab0914b4b6e1ae56436d73ef318ee0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This paper presents the Exodus-Desert tradition as Northern Israel foundational tradition, consolidated in the 8th century BCE, based on Bible reading 1 Kings 12.26 to 32. The passage 1 Kings 12.26-32 presents Jeroboam's religious measures to consolidate the independence of the newly founded Northern Kingdom, in relation to the "house of David" and the "house of Yahweh in Jerusalem" (v. 26-27). The passage perspective is clearly Judahite. However, we believe that, behind the 1 Kings 12.26-32 narrative, there are Exodus echoes as Northern Israel foundational tradition, consolidated during Jeroboam II reign (788-747). We have placed the historical core of the Exodus cultural memory in Northern Israel into the context of Sheshonq I military campaign (945-925) in Canaan, in the second half of the 10th century BCE. Although the "house of Saul" political-territorial defeat, located on the Gibeon-Bethel Plateau, the forced withdrawal of Egypt (for unknown reasons), in a short time, reignited the victory and freedom feeling in the remaining groups of the mountains, after centuries of Egyptian domination in Canaan. Therefore, the Exodus is born as a memory of fight against Egypt, and not as migration from Egypt. Thus, the Exodus God is conceived as a warrior divinity who leads his people, ensuring them victory. The Egypt withdrawal from Canaan lands shaped the path for Israel kingdom consolidation, under the Omrides govern, in the beginning of the 9th century BCE. Thus, it is possible to understand that the memory of freedom from Egypt has become an emblematic propaganda of the national state victory against his great enemy, after centuries of suffering and humiliation. On the other hand, the Exodus tradition remains as the resistance force against monarchical exploitation and oppression, as evidenced by Hosea and Amos' prophecy, in the 8th century BCE. The Desert tradition was an independent memory. It was attached to the Exodus tradition, probably during Jeroboam II reign (788-747), as evidenced by inscriptions and drawings located at Kuntillet 'Ajrud site. Based on Hosea and Amos' prophecy and according to Kuntillet 'Ajrud records, we consider that the national cult in Northern Israel, in the 8th century BCE, was dedicated to the Yahweh, represented as the "young bull" and associated with the Exodus, in shrines as Bethel, Dan, and Samaria. However, before Yahweh became Israel tutelary divinity, Egypt liberation memory had been assigned initially to the god El, an Ugarit pantheon supreme divinity, traditionally represented as a bull and associated with Asherah goddess. Another Northern Israel foundational narrative competes with the Exodus tradition during Jeroboam II reign, the Jacob tradition, associated with family memories. However, after Samaria fall, Jacob's old memories are once again read in Judah, submitted to Abraham tradition and supplanted by the Exodus tradition, which then becomes, from the end of the 7th century BCE, the foundational narrative of a unified Israel, considered one people from the beginning. / Esta pesquisa apresenta a tradição do Êxodo-Deserto como tradição fundante de Israel Norte, consolidada no séc. VIII a.EC, a partir da leitura de 1Rs 12,26-32. O texto de 1Rs 12,26-32 apresenta as medidas religiosas de Jeroboão para consolidar a independência do recém-fundado Reino do Norte, em relação à “casa de Davi” e à “casa de Javé em Jerusalém” (v. 26-27). A perspectiva da redação é nitidamente judaíta. Consideramos, porém, que, por trás da narrativa de 1Rs 12,26-32, encontram-se ecos do Êxodo como tradição fundante de Israel Norte, consolidada durante o reino de Jeroboão II (788-747). Situamos o núcleo histórico da memória cultural do Êxodo em Israel Norte no contexto da campanha militar de Sheshonq I (945-925) em Canaã, na segunda metade do séc. X a.EC. Apesar da derrota da entidade político-territorial da “casa de Saul”, situada no planalto de Gabaon-Betel, a retirada forçada do Egito (por motivos desconhecidos), em pouco tempo, reacendeu nos remanescentes grupos das montanhas o sentimento de vitória e de libertação, após séculos de dominação egípcia em Canaã. Neste contexto, o Êxodo nasce como memória de luta contra o Egito, e não de migração do Egito. O deus do Êxodo é, então, concebido como uma divindade guerreira, que vai à frente de seu povo, garantindo-lhe a vitória. A saída do Egito das terras de Canaã abriu caminho para a consolidação do reino de Israel, sob o governo dos Omridas, no início do séc. IX a.EC. Assim, é possível compreender que a memória da libertação do Egito tenha-se tornado propaganda emblemática da vitória do estado nacional contra o seu grande inimigo, após séculos de sofrimento e humilhação. Por outro lado, a tradição do Êxodo mantém-se como força de resistência contra a exploração e opressão monárquica, conforme atesta a profecia de Oseias e Amós, no séc. VIII a.EC. A tradição do Deserto constituía uma memória independente. Foi unida à tradição do Êxodo, provavelmente, durante o reinado de Jeroboão II (788-747), conforme atestam inscrições e desenhos do sítio de Kuntillet ‘Ajrud. A partir da profecia de Oseias e Amós e dos registros de Kuntillet ‘Ajrud, consideramos que o culto nacional em Israel Norte, no séc. VIII a.EC, era dedicado a Javé, representado na forma do “touro jovem” e associado ao Êxodo, em santuários como Betel, Dã e Samaria. Antes, porém, de Javé tornar-se a divindade tutelar de Israel, a memória da libertação do Egito teria sido atribuída, inicialmente, ao deus El, divindade-suprema do panteão de Ugarit, tradicionalmente representado na forma do touro e ligado à deusa Asherá. Concorre com a tradição do Êxodo, à época de Jeroboão II, outra narrativa de fundação de Israel Norte, a tradição de Jacó, ligada a memórias de família. Contudo, após a queda de Samaria, as antigas memórias de Jacó são relidas em Judá, submetidas à tradição de Abraão e suplantadas pela tradição do Êxodo, que se torna, então, a partir do final do séc. VII a.EC, a narrativa fundante de um Israel unificado, considerado um só povo desde as origens.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santa Angela Cabrera.pdf: 405823 bytes, checksum: 839b3afec519db242d7ef380052c9cda (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-21 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In Latin America we have little bibliography on Psalm 23. Nevertheless, we have a few researchers who are able to dialogue academically with European scholars about our object of study. In spite of the great attractiveness of this text in the pastoral world in our continent, exigetically we have come up short with this Psalm, which has become our justification for making a study of this Psalm. Psalm 23 in enwrapped in the Psalter. It is Hebrew poetry, which is characterized by the repetition of the meaning of its phrases. Its content is between the lines, thanks to the frequent use of images, symbols, and figures. For these and for other reasons, it is difficult to point to its date of origin, but it must be pre-exilic. Our text reveals, as a vital place, a liturgical community. This community is located in the Jerusalem temple. There are there, each in turn, priests, levites, organic intellectuals, in sum, persons who have witnessed up close the controversy of a person who has sought refuge in the temple and who has found a supportive place in the sanctuary. From this we deduce that Psalm 23 was written by someone with poetic sensibility, inspired by the life of the person sheltered. The Psalmist has experience Yahweh s care. There in the temple, in the area of the kingdom of Yahweh, those who threaten him cannot capture him. The reasons for persecution may suggest debt matters and at the same time matters of justice.. Once in the sanctuary, he is lacking for nothing, because his shepherd/ king provides him with what he needs, that is, food, drink, protection, security, dignity and fraternity. The agressors are witnesses of the happy state of their enemy, but they can do nothing to him. For this reason the Psalmist has no fear and, in the presence of Yahweh, finds comfort. Yahweh as shepherd/ king is host to the one he protects. From the innocence of the refugee is born the air of celebration, because the liturgical community celebrates the salvation which has been received. The graces received have for the Psalmist a communitarian repercussion, the good and the solidatiry which he has experienced will come back to those who surround him, not by obligation but as gratitude. For reasons fo security and gratitude the Psalmist wishes to remain in the house of Yahweh.(AU) / Na América Latina temos pouca bibliografia sobre o Salmo 23. No entanto, contamos com alguns pesquisadores que podem dialogar academicamente com cientistas europeus sobre nosso objeto de estudo. Apesar do grande atrativo deste texto no mundo pastoral de nosso continente, o aporte exegético deste Salmo estava em dívida, o que se tem convertido numa de nossa justificação científica para o estudo do Salmo 23. O Salmo 23 se incrusta dentro do saltério. É poesia hebraica, a que se caracteriza pela repetição do sentido de suas frases. Seu conteúdo está nas entrelinhas pelo uso freqüente de imagens, símbolos e figuras. Por estas e outras razões é difícil assinalar sua data de origem, mas deve ser pré-exílico. Nosso texto revela, como lugar vital, uma comunidade litúrgica. Essa comunidade está localizada no templo de Jerusalém. Ali se encontram, por sua vez, sacerdotes, levitas, intelectuais orgânicos; enfim, pessoas que têm testemunhado de perto a controvérsia de uma pessoa refugiada no templo, a que tem achado no santuário um lugar de amparo. Desde aqui deduzimos que o Salmo 23 foi escrito por alguém de sensibilidade poética, inspirado na vida do asilado. O salmista tem experimentado os cuidados de Javé. Ali, no templo, na área do reino de Javé, seus ameaçadores não podem capturá-lo. Os motivos de perseguição podem sugerir assuntos de dívidas e, ao mesmo tempo, assuntos de justiça. Uma vez no santuário, não carece de nada, porque seu pastor/rei lhe fornece o que precisa, isto é, comida, bebida, proteção, segurança, dignidade e fraternidade. Os agressores são testemunhas do estado de felicidade de seu inimigo, mas não podem fazer-lhe nada. Por isso o salmista, não teme e, na presença de Javé, encontra seu consolo. Javé, como pastor/rei, hospeda a seu protegido. Pela inocência reconhecida do refugiado, nasce o ambiente de festa, porque a comunidade litúrgica celebra a salvação alcançada. As graças recebidas têm para o salmista uma repercussão comunitária, o bem e a solidariedade que experimentou voltarão aos que o circundam, não por obrigação e sim por gratidão. Por assuntos de segurança e agradecimento o salmista deseja permanecer na casa de Javé.(AU)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:21:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Suelypg1_50.pdf: 291656 bytes, checksum: ba1cfad8cff664c4f64606ab92dc28ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-26 / The object of research of this dissertation are perícopes of Isaiah 7,10-17; 8,23-9,6 and 11,1-9. In this we meet the principal point of the messianic thought of Isaiah. It is important to observe that the isaian messianism comes from the conception of messiah that comes to govern from the right and justice, and, thus, to establish the peace. The messianism presented for this prophet don t part of the spheres of the kingdom power, but of the small and fragile persons of the society, endowed with the spirit of Yahweh. It has to be distinguished that the prophecy of Isaiah is a watershed with respect to the messianic theology in the Kingdom of the South, especially the prophets after him. In Isaiah, we meet the rupture with the ruling classes and a warlike messianism. The proposal of this prophet points to a fragile messiah, but that is moved by the blow, by the movement of Yahweh and his action. And thus, Isaiah opens the doors for understanding a poor messiah, as Zechariah recognize, a messiah in service, presented for the Second-Isaiah, or who knows a shepherd messiah, as considered by Micah and Ezekiel and received well for the traditions of the first century (Jo 10,10). The messiah in Isaiah have names and adjectives : Imanuel, child, root of Jessé, but do not have face, do not have geographic localization, is not fit in the messianic type since the davidic of Jerusalem. These messiah can be found at any time with any face, by that is important a new reading messianic presented in texts of the current Christianity. Many of inspired them in the isaian prophecy of 8º. century B.C. / O objeto de pesquisa desta dissertação são as perícopes de Isaías 7,10-17;8,23-9,6 e 11,1-9. Nelas encontra-se o cerne do pensamento messiânico de Isaías. É importante salientar que o messianismo isaiano parte da concepção de um messias que vem para governar a partir do direito e da justiça, e, assim, estabelecer a paz. O messianismo apresentado por este profeta não parte das esferas de poder da corte, mas dos pequenos e frágeis da sociedade, dotados do espírito de Javé. Há que se destacar que a profecia de Isaías é um divisor de águas no que concerne à teologia messiânica no Reino do Sul, especialmente nos profetas depois dele. Em Isaías, encontra-se a ruptura com as classes dominantes e com um messianismo bélico. A proposta deste profeta aponta para um messias frágil, mas que é movido pelo sopro, pelo movimento de Javé em suas ações. E assim, Isaías abre as portas para compreensão de um messias pobre, como retrata Zacarias, um messias servo, apresentado pelo Dêutero-Isaías, ou quem sabe um messias pastor, como proposto por Miquéias e Ezequiel e bem recebido pelas tradições do primeiro século (Jo 10,10). O messias em Isaías tem nomes e adjetivos : Imanuel, menino, raiz de Jessé, mas não tem rosto, não tem localização geográfica, não se enquadra em nenhum tipo messiânico desde o davidismo de Jerusalém. Este messias pode ser encontrado em qualquer época com qualquer rosto, por isso a importante releitura messiânica apresentada em textos do cristianismo nascente. Muitos deles inspirados na profecia isaiana do 8º. século a.C.

My motivation and purpose of this research particularly evolve around the question on the origin of Yahweh and the development of Yahwism, as well as the role of marginal groups in the maintaining of a pre-exilic Yahweh-alone monotheism, and the subsequent conversion by Judahites – who previously practised a syncretistic religion – to a post-exilic Yahweh monotheism. In accordance with the Kenite hypothesis, the Yahwist tradition originated in the South amongst the Midianites and Kenites. A Moses-type figure acquired knowledge about Yahweh from these tribes who venerated Yahweh before the Israelites did. According to the Chronicler's genealogy, marginal southern groups were all related. The Kenites and Rechabites had the opportunity, due to their nomadic lifestyle and particular trade – as coppersmiths – to spread their religious beliefs. Although the majority of Israelites practised syncretism, these marginal groups – particularly the Rechabites – sustained their Yahwistic faith throughout the Monarchical Period, actively involved in a Yahweh-alone movement. Jeremiah set the Rechabites – who followed a puritanical lifestyle – as an example for the inhabitants of Jerusalem. My hypothesis is that the Israelite God Yahweh was originally a Midianite/Kenite deity and that marginal groups related to the Kenites, such as the Rechabites, played a signi¬fi¬cant and dominant role in the preserving of a pre-exilic Yahweh-alone movement, as well as in the establishment of a post-exilic Yahweh monotheism. My approach to this research was with the premise that the Yahwist tradition originated in the South whence it spread to Judah and the North. According to a recurring biblical tradition, Yahweh emanated from the South. Evidence from certain Egyptian documents endorses Yahweh's presence in the South. It was also my aim to establish the interdependence – or not – of different disciplines relevant to the Hebrew Bible. In my research it became clear that archaeology and biblical scholarship – particularly historiography – cannot operate effectively without the acceptance of their mutual dependence. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Ancient Languages / unrestricted

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-08T19:46:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DOUGLAS OLIVEIRA DOS SANTOS.pdf: 2100172 bytes, checksum: a1c86dc714849f689d29018fbb28c466 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-08T19:46:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DOUGLAS OLIVEIRA DOS SANTOS.pdf: 2100172 bytes, checksum: a1c86dc714849f689d29018fbb28c466 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-12 / In the interpretation of sacred literature, we realized that the hermeneutical Christian principles always interpret the Old Testament from its current conception of monotheism. Here, we analyze the construction of this monotheistic concept in an attempt to understand how these interpretive principles have guided the understanding of Deuteronomy and Joshua 6.4 24.15 with this monotheistic perspective. To perform this analysis, we must understand the current imagery in various processes of construction of the Western Sacred, studying these texts in the Hebrew Bible, in the monolátrica construction process and checking the Hellenistic influences in the formation of the Septuagint. That way, you can see the influences that permeate translations and interpretative methods of fundamentalist Orthodox perspective and current, and rehearse questions and critical-constructive reflections. / Na interpretação da literatura sagrada, percebemos que os princípios hermenêuticos cristãos sempre interpretam os textos do Antigo Testamento a partir da sua concepção atual de monoteísmo. Aqui, analisamos a construção desse conceito monoteísta, na tentativa de entender como esses princípios interpretativos passaram a nortear a compreensão de Deuteronômio 6,4 e Josué 24,15 com essa perspectiva monoteísta. Para realizar essa análise, foi preciso compreender o imaginário vigente em vários processos da construção do Sagrado ocidental, estudando esses textos na Bíblia Hebraica, no processo da construção monolátrica e na verificação das influências do Helenismo no processo de formação da Septuaginta. Dessa forma, é possível perceber as influências que permeiam as traduções e os métodos interpretativos de perspectiva fundamentalista e ortodoxa atuais, e ensaiar questionamentos e reflexões crítico-construtivos.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberto de Jesus.pdf: 990691 bytes, checksum: 45c590bc6782917477256fbccbf6764a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The book of the prophet Dêutero-Isaiah approaches that Javé comes to console its people exiled in Babylonia. Foreign king Cyrus, in the text of Is 45,1-7 is intitled of Messiahs de Javé. Therefore, this research has as objective to reflect on the messianic heading attribution to king Cyrus, in the context of the Babylonian exile. For this, I analyze some contributions of diverse authors and authors of the Biblical area, exploring the diversity of analyses on this subject. It has many interpretations on the meaning of the messianic heading attributed to the king Cyrus, between them, it has who defines Cyrus as the Messiahs de Javé, that is, Cyrus as liberating of the exiled ones and not as the substitute of the messianic hope in a Messiahs proceeding from the house of David. In this work, I still argue has messianic hope, manifest in the exilic period and after-exilic, detaching the faith that the messianic communities exerted in these periods. At last, I analyze the messianic of the neo-testamentary communities after-macabaicas and in the attempt discovering if Cyrus was one messianic figure, in these periods. / O livro do profeta Dêutero-Isaías aborda que Javé vem consolar seu povo exilado na Babilônia. O rei estrangeiro Ciro, no texto de Is 45,1-7 é intitulado de Messias de Javé. Portanto, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo refletir sobre o título messiânico atribuído ao rei Ciro, no contexto do exílio babilônico. Para isto, analiso algumas contribuições de diversos autores e autoras da área bíblica, explorando a diversidade de pesquisas sobre este tema. Há muitas interpretações sobre o significado do título messiânico atribuído ao rei Ciro, entre elas, há quem define Ciro como o Messias de Javé, ou seja, Ciro como libertador dos exilados e não como o substituto da esperança messiânica em um Messias proveniente da casa de Davi. Neste trabalho, discuto ainda a esperança messiânica, manifesta no período exílico e pós-exílico, destacando a fé que as comunidades messiânicas exerciam nestes períodos. Enfim, analiso o messianismo das comunidades pós-macabaicas e neo-testamentárias na tentativa de descobrir se Ciro era uma figura messiânica, nestes períodos.