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La Théorie constitutionnelle des cinq pouvoirs /King Yu-Hsi. January 1932 (has links)
Th. univ. : Droit : Nancy : 1932.
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A study of the revolutionaries attempts to enlist Li Hongzhang (1823-1901) in their Anti-Manchu Movement Ge ming dang you shuo Li Hongzhang (1823-1901) can jia fan Wing yun dong yan jiu /Wong, Siu-man. January 1997 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.
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The political doctrines of Sun Yat-sen an exposition of the San min chu i ...Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony, January 1937 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Johns Hopkins University, 1936. / Vita. Published also as Johns Hopkins studies in historical and political science. Extra volumes. new ser., no. 24. Bibliography: p. 265-273.
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Sun Yat-Sen's political thought and its influence on Chinese Nationalists and CommunistsLin, Chi-Yung. January 1966 (has links)
Call number: LD2668 .T4 1966 L735 / Master of Science
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孫中山與第一次國共合作: 三民主義思想的發展與三大政策的採用. / Sun Zhongshan yu di yi ci guo gong he zuo: San min zhu yi si xiang de fa zhan yu san da zheng ce de cai yong.January 1978 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院中國歷史學部. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [416]-[425]). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan Zhongguo li shi xue bu. / Chapter ´¡ --- 導言 --- p.1-8 / Chapter ´Ł --- 孫中山政治哲學之一´ؤ´ؤ民族主義 --- p.9-71 / Chapter (一) --- 反滿為主的民族主義 --- p.9-17 / Chapter (二) --- 五族共和到積極的民族主義 --- p.18-26 / Chapter (三) --- 對西方及日本的失望 --- p.27-38 / Chapter (四) --- 以反帝國主義為中心的民族主義 --- p.38-46 / Chapter (五) --- 與列寧的帝國主義論比較 --- p.47-63 / Chapter ´Ø --- 孫中山政治哲學之二´ؤ´ؤ民權主義 --- p.72-128 / Chapter (一) --- 革命與改良的斗爭 --- p.74-90 / Chapter (二) --- 共和制的理想國 --- p.90-97 / Chapter (三) --- 訓政與專政 --- p.97-104 / Chapter (四) --- 民權主義和人民民主專政 --- p.104-111 / Chapter (五) --- 對資產階級代議制的批評 --- p.111-118 / Chapter ´Ð --- 孫中山政治哲學之三´ؤ´ؤ民生主義 --- p.129-191 / Chapter (一) --- 民生主義的形成期 --- p.129-136 / Chapter (二) --- 平均地權與節制資本 --- p.136-141 / Chapter (三) --- 發展國家實業 --- p.142-146 / Chapter (四) --- 民生主義與社會主義 --- p.146-170 / Chapter (五) --- 耕者有其田 --- p.170-176 / Chapter ´Þ --- 發展的三民主義 --- p.192-196 / Chapter ´Æ --- 孫中山的聯俄政策(一) --- p.197-270 / Chapter (一) --- 蘇俄的東方政策 --- p.203-208 / Chapter (二) --- 列寧論中國 --- p.209-217 / Chapter (三) --- 列寧論民族解放運動 --- p.218-231 / Chapter (四) --- 孫中山與蘇俄人士的接觸 --- p.232-244 / Chapter (五) --- 孫中山與馬林第一次會談 --- p.244-258 / Chapter ´Œ --- 孫中山的聯俄政策(二) --- p.271-304 / Chapter (一) --- 陳炯明叛變 --- p.271-280 / Chapter (二) --- 孫中山與馬林第二次會談 --- p.281-287 / Chapter (三) --- 對國民黨組織及紀律的不滿 --- p.288-299 / Chapter ´′ --- 孫中山的聯共政策 --- p.305-364 / Chapter (一) --- 由中共一大到三大 --- p.307-324 / Chapter (二) --- 國民黨改組與共產黨員加入 --- p.324-332 / Chapter (三) --- 國民黨右派的彈劾案 --- p.332-358 / Chapter ´′ --- 孫中山的工農政策 --- p.365-401 / Chapter (一) --- 孫中山對群眾運動的態度 --- p.365-376 / Chapter (二) --- 一九二四年後的工農運動 --- p.376-397 / Chapter ´♭ --- 三大政策與統一戰綫 --- p.402-410 / Chapter ´· --- 結論 --- p.411-415
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孫中山先生的外交主張: 原則和策略. v.1 / Sun Zhongshan xian sheng de wai jiao zhu zhang: yuan ze he ce lüe. v.1January 1980 (has links)
李學全. / 據手稿本影印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Ju shou gao ben ying yin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 906-934). / Li Xuequan. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 辛亥革命前對外的爭取 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二章 --- 武昌起義後至民國初年的外交 --- p.86 / Chapter 第三章 --- 反袁與大亞洲主義的重現 --- p.183 / Chapter 第四章 --- 反對參戰及德國之關係 --- p.261 / Chapter 第五章 --- 大戰後外交上的挫折 --- p.328 / Chapter 第六章 --- 走向聯俄之路 --- p.397 / Chapter 第七章 --- 帝國主義──中國的禍根 --- p.517 / 結語──孫中山的外交原則與策略 --- p.607 / Chapter 注釋 --- 前言 --- p.636 / 第一章 --- p.637 / 第二章 --- p.663 / 第三章 --- p.708 / 第四章 --- p.747 / 第五章 --- p.773 / 第六章 --- p.809 / 第七章 --- p.867 / 參考書目 --- p.906 / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 辛亥革命前對外力的爭取 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二章 --- 武昌起義後至民國初年的外交 --- p.86 / Chapter 第三章 --- 反袁與大亞洲主義的重現 --- p.183 / Chapter 第四章 --- 反對參戰及與德國之關係 --- p.261 / Chapter 第五章 --- 大戰後外交上的挫折 --- p.328 / Chapter 第六章 --- 走向聯俄之路 --- p.397 / Chapter 第七章 --- 帝國主義´ؤ´ؤ中國的禍根 --- p.527 / 結語──孫中山的外交原則與策略 --- p.607 / 注釋 前言 --- p.636 / 第一章 --- p.637 / 第二章 --- p.663 / 第三章 --- p.708 / 第四章 --- p.747 / 第五章 --- p.773 / 第六章 --- p.809 / 第七章 --- p.867 / 參考書目 --- p.906
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The Political career of Sun Yat-senHodge, Katherine Talbot 01 January 1930 (has links) (PDF)
The world first heard of Sun Yat-sen in 1896 when the British government intervened to save him from deportation to Chine as a refugee. A decade and half later the public read with amazement that this name refugee had lived to be proclaimed the First President of the Republic of China. This men conspirator, a "visionary", socialist dreamer, a fighter for right end Justice became the hero and idol of the Chinese people. Today he is held in greater entres then any living statesmen or any political philosopher of the pet century. The respect mid his memory is paralleled in Chinese history only by the veneration due Confucius. His ultimate position in Chinese history is yet to be determined, but five years after his death he lives in the hearts of the people as the nation's greatest lender and as the outstanding figure of the Chinese Revolution
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A Study of Sun Yat-sen's Propaganda Activities and Techniques in the United States During China's Revolutionary Period (1894-1911)Chao, Nang-yung 12 1900 (has links)
Sun Yat-sen used six propaganda techniques in the United States to help overthrow the Ching Dynasty in 1911: (a) individual propaganda to gain supporters through personal contact and individual persuasion; (b) propaganda of deed to solicit donations and to mobilize his supporters for military actions; (c) travel propaganda to broaden the base of revolutionary support; (d) newspaper propaganda to publicize and explain his revolutionary program; (e) debate propaganda to refute antirevolutionary criticism through speeches and pamphlets; and (f) missionary propaganda to seek sympathy and support from American missionaries and Christians.
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Not Out of the Blue: Sun Yat-sen and the ROC-PRC ParadoxThrowe, Jacob January 2011 (has links)
Thesis advisor: Rebecca Nedostup / Seeing as how the leadership of both the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China have claimed a sense of inheritance and legitimacy from the political philosophy of Sun Yat-sen, it seems a paradox how different the political situations are in their respective domains. It is the intent of this thesis to discern how prioritizing different elements of Sun Yat-sen's political theory resulted in divergent decisions made by the leaders of the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party, which in turn help explain conditions found in the Republic of China on Taiwan and the People's Republic of China. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: History Honors Program. / Discipline: History.
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Democracy, violence, and the Muslim Brotherhood in post-revolutionary Egypt : rethinking categories of thought and action through discourseHynek, Sarah Elizabeth January 2018 (has links)
This thesis contributes to debates concerning the role of the Muslim Brotherhood and the study of political systems in transition, with a focus on Egypt following the 25 January 2011 revolution. Orthodox studies on political systems within Political Science, including scholarship on large-scale transitions and (liberal) democratisation, often focus on political institution-building, regime elites, civil/political rights, and purely structuralist approaches as explaining political dynamics and change. This study argues that discourse, power relations, and forms of resistance indicate and shape political processes, including change and transition. The originality of this work thus derives from its focus on discourse and power dynamics, analysed within the narrative accounts of informal political actors collected during Egypt's transition. This thesis also argues that the pillars of (liberal) democratisation have made possible the analytical location of the Brotherhood within these debates. For example, political systems have been measured on a (sometimes linear) scale from authoritarian to liberal democracy and this has made possible the framing of Islamic political movements on a scale from 'radical' to 'moderate', or constructed binaries in which movements like the Brothers are categorised. Through this work's analytical and empirical approach, these categories are shown to be simplistic and fragile. Two central themes are developed in relation to discourse, power relations, and the Brotherhood: democratisation as discourse and political violence. Through this study's framework political change and transformation are studied beyond the level of the regime and political elite, as is often the focus within political systems/transitions literature. Conceptions of Egypt's political transition and of the Brothers are grounded in empirical research and the experiences of political actors on the ground.
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