The purpose of this essay is to shed some light upon the children who grew up in Sweden after their parents fled the war in former Yugoslavia. Did the parents spread their own opinions about the other ethnicities which they fought against in the war to the children, even though they live in a new country? And if so, was it an act of patriotism for the country they once lived in and who was to blame for the war? Did the children who grew up in Sweden share the same attitudes as their parents? To find out about this we used interviews with four people, all with heritage from former Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Croatia. What we found out was that the thoughts from the parents partially were passed down to their children, even though the children thought that they had formed their own opinions. In this case the thoughts didn’t relate to any kind of patriotism or who to blame for the war, they rather believed that they shouldn’t blame the other ethnic groups for the war. Instead they moved on with their lives and with the belief to never hate each other.

Thesis (M.J.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 124-136). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1998. / Bibliography: leaves 105-119.

Thesis (M.A.)--Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, South Hamilton, MA, 2002. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-146).

Thesis (M.A.)--Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, South Hamilton, MA, 2002. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-146).

The author will perform an analysis of news, comments, documentaries and other articles in which the selected Czech printed media reported about the events in Yugoslavia during the years 1945-1948. He will observe not only the news regarding political events or economic development in the country, but also the articles reflecting the everyday life in Yugoslavia (cultural events, national relationships, religion, tourism etc.). The analysis will be chronologically bounded by May 1945 (liberation of Czechoslovakia) and June 1948 (publication of so called first resolution of Inform Bureau). Heuristic base of the thesis will be chosen in a such a way, so it covers political stratification of the Czech public sector during that period. The author will be therefore analyzing relevant articles from the periodicals that were being published either by KSC (Czechoslovakian communist party) or its closed partners (Rude Pravo, Kulturni Politika). He will also investigate articles from the daily journal Svobodne Slovo, which was being published by the Czechoslovakian Social Party as well as part of the Lidova Demokracie journal; the news outlet of Czechoslovak People's Party. Analysis will also be performed on news broadcasts, commentaries and reportages published in independent daily journals and magazines,...

[pt] Com o fim da Guerra Fria, o ressurgimento dos movimentos nacionalistas e separatistas, principalmente na Europa Oriental e na antiga União Soviética, ganhou relevância no estudo das relações internacionais. Na base destes movimentos encontra-se o modelo do Estado-Nação, ou seja, a idéia de que a nação tem direito de estabelecer seu próprio Estado, cujas fronteiras devem ser congruentes com as da comunidade nacional. Esta idéia, aliada à presença de minorias nacionais em grande parte dos Estados do sistema internacional, tem sido fonte de constante ameaça à paz e estabilidade internacionais, levando, em várias ocasiões e regiões distintas, aos chamados conflitos étnicos. Em última instância, tais conflitos ocorrem porque, afinal de contas, o mesmo território é reivindicado por ambos os movimentos nacionalistas: o estatal e o independentista. Enquanto o primeiro reivindica o direito de inviolabilidade territorial dos Estados, o segundo reivindica o direito à autodeterminação dos povos. Neste sentido, o presente estudo analisa a desintegração da Iugoslávia - sob o prisma da política nacionalista sérvia - que surge como paradigma ideal dos problemas decorrentes da busca pela superposição entre a nação - enquanto comunidade cultural - e o Estado - enquanto comunidade política. / [en] With the end of the Cold War, the resurgence of the nationalist and separatist movements, especially in Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union, has gained prominence in the studies of international relations. On the ground of these movements is the Nation-State model, this is, the idea that the nation has the right to establish its own State, whose boundaries are supposed to be congruent with those of the national community. This idea, together with the presence of national minorities in many of the States in the international system, has been a source of continuous threats to international peace and stability, leading, in many different regions and occasions, to the so-called ethnic conflicts. In the end, such conflicts take place because, after all, the same territory is claimed by both the nationalist movements: the statist and the independentist. While the first one claims the right of territorial inviolability of States, the second one claims the right of self-determination of peoples. In this sense, the present study analyses the disintegration of Yugoslavia - through the glasses of serbian nationalist policies - that emerges as an ideal paradigm of the problems resulting from the pursuit of the superposition between the nation - as a cultural community - and the State - as a political community.

This thesis intends to do an analysis of the socialist ideology in former Yugoslavia and Sweden during the time 1948 until 1962. The analysis is done on 8 political speeches each, from the former president of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito and from the former prime minister of Sweden, Tage Erlander. We have specified our analysis on five certain policy areas which are: labour market, welfare, foreign policy, democracy and national identity. The aim of the study is to find what kind of similarities and differences that can be found in the speeches, in relation to socialist values. The reason for analysing the views from these two politicians’, is because both claim to be socialist. The study shows that the socialist ideology in Sweden and Yugoslavia, have both similarities and differences. Both Erlander and Tito stem from a Marxist idea tradition which is evident in how they advocate for economic socialism, the labour theory and for the overall implementation of socialism in their respective nation. The main differences that is evident from their speeches is how they look upon the control of government, something which makes them very different in terms of socialist values. Erlander is advocating for a social democratic socialist model which is controlled by the people in a democratic manner, whereas Tito is advocating for a revolutionary, soviet-like socialism that is controlled by himself and the party he represents. The differences and similarities in the socialist values becomes apparent in the different policy areas. Where in some areas, the socialist values differ a lot and in some, less.

De l’éclatement de l’ex-Yougoslavie en 1991 à la montée des tensions à la fin de 1997, la crise du Kosovo a été insuffisamment considérée par la communauté internationale, qui était accaparée par la gestion des conflits ouverts en Croatie et en Bosnie. Mais l’éclatement du conflit armé au début de 1998 poussa la communauté internationale à réagir au Kosovo. Or, cette réaction était à la fois tardive et insuffisante pour permettre de parvenir à une solution diplomatique du conflit. L’une des interrogations de ce travail est donc de déterminer si un règlement politique et pacifique du conflit était possible. Si, avant le conflit armé, tout n’a pas été tenté pour prévenir son éclatement, les chances de trouver une solution politique une fois les hostilités déclenchées, étaient illusoires. Aussi, toutes les initiatives entreprises par la communauté internationale au cours de l’année 1998 et le début de 1999 échouèrent.L’absence d’une solution diplomatique conduisit l’OTAN à intervenir militairement contre l’ex-République fédérale de Yougoslavie, entre mars et juin 1999. Les raisons qui ont motivé cette intervention constituent un autre questionnement important de cette thèse. Dans cette crise, l’OTAN semble avoir subi l’évolution de la situation plus qu’elle ne l’a précédée et anticipée. Selon notre hypothèse, l’Alliance atlantique s’est impliquée dans le conflit en espérant que ses menaces lui éviteraient une intervention militaire qu'elle croyait brève lorsque celle-ci devint inévitable. En entendant mettre fin au conflit par une démonstration de force contre Belgrade, l’OTAN se retrouva donc engagée dans une guerre qu'elle devait mener jusqu'au bout, car il en allait de sa propre crédibilité. Si d’autres facteurs ont également joué un rôle important, l’enjeu de crédibilité nous semble donc constituer l'élément déclencheur de l’intervention de l’OTAN, puis son moteur au fur et à mesure qu’elle se prolongeait et s’intensifiait. / From the collapse of former Yugoslavia in 1991 to the rising tensions at the end of 1997, the crisis of Kosovo had not been sufficiently considered by the international community, which was preoccupied with the management of open conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia. However, the outbreak of the armed conflict in early 1998 pushed the international community to react in Kosovo. That reaction was both late and insufficient to achieve a diplomatic solution for the conflict. One of the research questions of this work was to determine whether a political and peaceful resolution of the conflict was indeed possible. If, before the armed conflict, everything was not attempted to prevent its outbreak, chances to find a political solution, once the hostilities began, were illusory. Therefore, all of the initiatives undertaken by the international community during 1998, and in early 1999, were to no avail.In absence of any diplomatic solution, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, from March to June 1999. The reasons behind this intervention constitute another important question of this thesis. In this crisis, NATO seems to have undergone the evolution of the situation rather than precede and anticipate it. According to our hypothesis, the Atlantic Alliance was involved in the conflict hoping that, by its threats, would avoid the need for a military intervention; and when the intervention became inevitable, NATO believed it to be short. Waiting to put an end to the conflict through military force demonstration against Belgrade, NATO found itself engaged in a war that had to be carried to the end, because its own credibility was at stake. While other factors have also played an important role, the issue of credibility seems to us to have been the major element that triggered NATO's intervention, and as such became its driving force as the intervention prolongated and intensified progressively.

This thesis analyzes the socio-political function of cinema in Yugoslavia during its two most vibrant eras, the 1960s and 1980s. Film in Yugoslavia existed on a materially state centered model yet presented an ideological plurality in its filmic representativeness that offers a richer and more dynamic understanding of the Yugoslav state. This thesis proposes that by looking at Yugoslav film from its inception following world war two until its dissolution in the early 1990s reveals a fascinating ideological trajectory reflected in the evolving contours of the socio- political and economic make-up of Yugoslavia.