Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation
movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a
process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was
captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about
talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's
ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim
constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections.
The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy
characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral
democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by
. Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office;
freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great
variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key
question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating?
Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose
particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is
done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to
democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and
Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions
are unlikely to endure and consolidate.
The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends,
specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the
Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the
Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality
problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about
policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of
democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the
economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment
Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit
op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis
vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange
onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna
die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot
die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe
verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994.
Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir
alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se
sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om
aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om
organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik,
maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika
konsolideer.
Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en
sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal
of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of
nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture
asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie
tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar
sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie
volhoubaar is gering.
Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die
National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination
Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is
handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika
aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese
heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die
hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.
| Identifer | oai:union.ndltd.org:netd.ac.za/oai:union.ndltd.org:sun/oai:scholar.sun.ac.za:10019.1/52583 |
| Date | 12 1900 |
| Creators | Fukula, Mzolisi Colbert |
| Contributors | Breytenbach, W. J., Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science |
| Publisher | Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University |
| Source Sets | South African National ETD Portal |
| Language | en_ZA |
| Detected Language | English |
| Type | Thesis |
| Format | 87 p. |
| Rights | Stellenbosch University |
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