Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisor: Clarence S.M. Chan. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Also available from UMI.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Pennsylvania State University, 2009. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. Thesis advisor: Farhan S. Gandhi.

Thesis (M.S.)--Pennsylvania State University, 2008. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. Thesis advisor: Farhan Gandhi.

Thesis (M.S.)--Pennsylvania State University, 2008. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. Thesis advisor: Farhan Gandhi.

Thesis (M.S.)--Pennsylvania State University, 2009. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. Thesis advisor: Farhan Gandhi.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Drexel University, 2006. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-155).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--School of Pharmacy and Dept. of Chemistry. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2005. / "A dissertation in pharmaceutical sciences and chemistry." Advisor: Ashim K. Mitra. Typescript. Vita. Description based on contents viewed June 23, 2006; title from "catalog record" of the print edition. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 161-180). Online version of the print edition.

Ce mémoire sur les fondements de la désobéissance civile se divise en trois parties. Le premier chapitre concerne la définition de la désobéissance civile d’après l’analyse d’Hugo Adam Bedau. Le deuxième chapitre traite des origines historiques du concept à partir des textes de David Henry Thoreau et Léon Tolstoï jusqu’aux campagnes de Mohandas Gandhi et Martin Luther King. Le dernier chapitre porte sur la pratique de la désobéissance civile dans les régimes démocratiques selon John Rawls. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de démontrer que la désobéissance civile est conforme à la justice malgré son caractère illégal, qu’elle a été bénéfique historiquement à l’évolution des mentalités et qu’elle est nécessaire en démocratie. / This study regarding the foundation of civil disobedience is divided in three parts. The first chapter concerns the definition of civil disobedience by Hugo Adam Bedau. The second chapter deals with the historical origins of the concept from the writings of David Henry Thoreau and Leo Tolstoy to the campaigns of Mohandas Gandhi and Martin Luther King. The last chapter focus on the practice of civil disobedience in democratic regimes according to John Rawls. The purpose of this study is to prove that civil disobedience is true to justice despite being illegal, that it has been historically beneficial in the evolution of mentalities and that it is essential to democracy.

This dissertation reconstructs a theoretical framework for the Indian Constitution. It does so immanently, by focusing on the making of the Indian Constitution, taking into account both the demands of its specific historical conditions, and the formal constraints of drafting a constitution. The dissertation shows that in its historical context the task of the Indian constitution makers should be understood as creating a constitutional system that can mediate a transformation of the social condition. Performing this task required reinterpreting the established tenets of constitutionalism. The reinterpretation produces a distinct variation of constitutionalism that is termed transformational constitutionalism. Part I of the dissertation focuses on some of the central tenets of constitutional theory by examining the writings in which they first assumed their paradigmatic form. The concepts are situated in the historical context in which they were formulated to highlight the specific challenges they were a response to, and hence distinguishing them from the conceptual terrain in which the Indian Constitution was formulated. Part I also shows the essentially preservative nature of the main tenets of constitutional thought, and that the fully developed versions of its central concepts seek to preclude any possibility for major changes in social conditions. Part II sets out the historical developments that led to the material and ideational terrain on which the Indian Constitution was conceived. It first outlines the institutional and discursive structures of colonial rule to tease out the development of concepts that would serve as the point of reference for the constitution-makers. Part II then turns to the resistance to colonial rule by focusing on the ideas and politics of M.K. Gandhi to delineate the strengths and weaknesses of Congress's claim to represent the Indian nation at the moment of independence, and outline the two different visions of what it meant to free oneself from colonial subjugation, and the different challenges for bringing those visions to fruition. Finally, Part II outlines the way in which the Indian constitutional vision was caught in an interdependent dynamic of break and continuity with its colonial past. After Part I and II have traced the conceptual coordinates of a modern constitution, and the specific historical condition in which the Indian constitution was conceived respectively, Part III focuses on the Indian Constituent Assembly Debates to show how the framers sought to respond to the concrete challenges facing them by creatively reinterpreting the precepts of modern constitutionalism itself. The dissertation shows that the Indian Constitution has to be understood as a totality containing three related strata - that of constitutional imagination, promises, and text - which exist in tension with each other. This tension constitutes the contradiction at the heart of the Indian Constitutional form. The dissertation concludes by following one such contradiction, between the strata of imagination and text as it developed during the most important constitutional conflict of the initial years on the question of compensation for acquisition of property. It also demonstrates how that conflict fundamentally shaped the nature of Indian constitutional practice.

<p>Avhandlingen, som undersökt Elin Wägners skönlitterära författarskap och journalistik under 1920-talet, visar att det är då hon stiger fram som en internationell rörelseintellektuell. Då formulerar hon sina åsikter om hur världen bör styras och hur kvinnor och män skall agera för att nå jämställdhet och fred, frågor som kom att stå i fokus för hennes liv och fortsatta författarskap. Det är med hjälp av internationell forskning och litteratur som Wägner blottlägger förhållandena i Sverige och påverkar den svenska debatten.Som introduktör av tänkare som Rosa Mayreder, Mathilde Vaerting och Mary Parker Follett kunde hon avslöja det korstryck som svenska kvinnor var utsatta för och samtidigt presentera ett eget koncet om en möjlig framtid för kvinnor och män. I avhandlingen har den första mer systematska analysen av Wägners insatser i veckotidningen Tidevarvet under åren 1923-1930 genomförts. Här framträder Wägner i många skepnader som kåsör, ledarskribent, recensent och utrikeskorrespondent men alltid med syftet att påverka läsaren i viss riktning. Med sina tre K:teman: kvinnan, kärleken och kriget speglar hon verkligheten utifrån två perspektiv, ett kortsiktigt pessimistiskt och ett längre optimmistiskt perspektiv.Det är i Tidevarvet som hon presenterar sin radikalpacifism och visarsitt starka beroende och inflytande av Gandhi och hans icke-våldsaktivism.Avhandlingens andra del behandlar Wägners 1920-talsromaner, vilka ofta benämnts som smålandsromaner men som i avhandlingen räknas som utvecklingsromaner om den medelålders kvinnans rätt till livsutrymme och sexualitet. Istället för att betrakta protagonisterna som offer, vilket ofta skett i tidigare forskning, visar avhandlingen att de istället agerar som visionära feminister med starka personligheter och tydliga livsmål. Det ärockså under tjugotalet som Wägner bekänner sig som kristen och närmar sig kväkarna, men engagerar sig även i den svenska kyrkan. Hon granskar prästernas dubbelmoral och förljugna inställning till äktenskap och skilsmässa både i sina romaner och i Tidevarvet. Dock är hon mest kritisk till att kyrkan inte på allvar driver fredens sak.Wägner är inte bara radikal i sin tid utan såg även vilka idéer och personer som tillhörde framtiden och framstår därför som både tidstypisk och tidlös.</p> / <p>Elin Wägner and her literary activities in the 1920s have not been a main interest for literary research. Instead, her writings from earlier or later decades are studied at length. Nevertheless, my dissertation indicates that it was during this decade several of her important projects in life and literature took place. The main purpose of the study is to present Wägner’s influence in the Swedish debate in a number of issues as feminism, pacifism and internationalism.</p><p>My point of departure is Wägners journalistic authorship in the radical weekly <i>Tidevarvet</i> (1923-1930) and her novels <i>Den Namnlösa</i> (1922), <i>Silverforsen</i> (1924), <i>Natten till söndag</i> (1926), <i>Svalorna flyga högt</i> (1929) and <i>Från Seine, Rhen och Ruhr</i> (1923), a collection of short stories. Using the concept <i>movement intellectual</i>, which has been further developed in the dissertation, the study indicates that Wägner, mostly with ideas and results from abroad, managed to influence both her organizations, their members and the general public. Her methods were three: writing, speaking and mobilization, and the arena was her fiction, her journalism and her networks. The intentions were much the same in all her activities.</p><p>Wägner’s international work for peace in the war-torn Europe during the first part of the decade changed her and her outlook on war and peace. She became a radical pacifist and negotiated on behalf of organizations as the Quakers, the Red Cross and WILP, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Her devotion for peace is specially evident in <i>Tidevarvet</i>, the political weekly founded by FKR, Frisinnade Kvinnors Riksförbund, in 1923, where Wägner was active both as a writer and an editor. Here the influence from Gandhi and the Quakers is prominent, and Wägner tries all her life to introduce Gandhi to the Swedish public. </p><p>In the 1920s Elin Wägner also started her studies of matriarcy and her research of women’s history where the influence from international feminists as Rosa Mayreder, Mathilde Varting and Mary Parker Follett gave her arguments to strengthen women’s position and confidence both as women and as political citizens. At Fogelstad and Kvinnliga Medborgarskolan, Wägner, together with the other members in the Fogelstad Group, were active educating women for their new citizenship. As members in FKR also worked to get seats in the Parliament, but failed. My study shows why.</p>