Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-292). / This dissertation proposes that the constraint component of OT grammars should be expanded to include a family of faithfulness constraints that evaluate input-output/output-output mappings for the preservation of gross Fo contours (rising, falling, level) across two or more segments. Following Steriade (2006), I refer to constraints in this family as Relational Correspondence constraints. The central tenet of Relational Correspondence is that phonological processes are shaped by pressure to maintain perceptual similarity between correspondent relations between successive elements, or syntagmatic contrast preservation in the auditory domain Fo, as opposed to paradigmatic contrast preservation according to which the well-formedness of an entity is evaluated with reference to the set of entities it contrasts with. Two types of Relational Correspondence are distinguished in this work: Contour and Slope Correspondence. Contour Correspondence, formulated as RELCORR constraints, assesses correspondence of the phonological height (Fo scaling) relation between successive tones. Four height relations are proposed for the tonal contour: "greater than" (x>y), "less than" (x<y), "equal to" (x=y), and "non-equal to" (x=/y). Preservation of the four scaling relations is contextualized with respect to different degrees of cohesiveness: nucleus-internal, word-internal and across words. Slope Correspondence, formulated as MATCH-SLOPE constraints, requires preservation of the steepness of the Fo contour across successive tones. Relational correspondence provides a unifying account for a number of seemingly unrelated tone sandhi phenomena in genetically diverse languages, while explaining empirical facts that cannot be adequately expressed within the standard Correspondence Theory of faithfulness plus markedness constraints. / by Feng-fan Hsieh. / Ph.D.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 211-214).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Ohio State University, 1988. / Adviser: Arnold M. Zwicky. Includes bibliographical references

No description available.

Traditional representations of Mandarin tones have provided valuable descriptions of Mandarin tone sandhi processes. However, none of them has been able to associate these processes in a principled way, or to explain why they occur at all. In contrast, I have proposed in this dissertation a unified analysis of Mandarin tones and tone sandhi, with an emphasis on the revelation of the nature of these tones and processes. Specifically, I have found that Mandarin tones are most optimally represented as follows: (0.1) [special characters omitted] Under such a representation, all Mandarin tone sandhi processes (i.e. the second, third, and fourth tone sandhi processes, and the neutral tone sandhi process that has been uncovered in this study) can be uniformly accounted for by the following Tone Reduction Principle: (0.2). Tone Reduction Principle Clause A: In normal speech, reduce a tone by one toneme iff it is immediately followed by another tone within the same prosodic foot. Clause B: In fast speech, reduce a tone by one toneme iff it is immediately preceded by another tone, and at the same time immediately followed by another tone within the same prosodic foot. This tone reduction principle functions to shorten a tone in duration by the following implementation rules: (0.3) [special characters omitted] With these two rules, Mandarin tone sandhi processes can be described by the following derivations: (0.4) [special characters omitted] While the implementation riles in (0.3) produce grammatical results in all other cases, they yield outputs, in the cases of 3TS(B) and 0TS, that violate the following OCP related, Mandarin specific WFC: [special characters omitted] Therefore, these two outputs obligatorily undergo the following OCP repairs ((a) for 3TS and (b) for 0TS): [special characters omitted] In brief, all the Mandarin tone sandhi processes are fundamentally tone reduction processes, the results of which may be subjected to further modification should they turn out to be violations of certain WFCs. In addition to the rules and derivations presented above, the analysis proposed also contains a theory of tonemes as timing units, a theory of Mandarin syllable weight and quantity, and a theory of the diachronic implications of the analysis. / Graduate

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Letras/Inglês e Literatura Correspondente. / Made available in DSpace on 2013-07-16T02:36:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 229610.pdf: 1343773 bytes, checksum: fb49ebf2713015919e2bb7513f32d96a (MD5) / Este estudo investiga o efeito da instrução de formas sândi (somente sândi externo) dentro de tarefas de compreensão oral em aprendentes Brasileiros estudando Inglês como Língua Estrangeira (LE). Os aprendentes deste estudo são alunos de nível Intermediário de uma escola de línguas do estado de São Paulo. Foi a partir das dificuldades apresentadas por aprendentes ao realizar tarefas de compreensão oral em LE (quando tais tarefas não eram demasiadamente simplificadas), que surgiu o interesse por este estudo. Participaram dele um grupo que recebeu instrução somente em tarefas de preparação para a compreensão (o grupo controle - CG), e um grupo que recebeu instrução em formas sândi (chamado de grupo de tratamento -TG). O estudo analisa o ensino das formas sândi sob três aspectos: A instrução de formas sândi (assimilação, apagamento, redução e ligação) em si; o papel da sistematicidade no ensino das mesmas; e a comparação entre tarefas focando compreensão oral de formas sândi e tarefas focando metalinguagem de formas sândi. Os resultados mostram que há ganhos maiores para os aprendentes que recebem instrução em formas sândi, do que para os aprendentes que realizam tarefas de preparação para a compreensão. O estudo mostra também as implicações pedagógicas de tais resultados e sugestões para pesquisas na área. This study investigates the effects of instruction on sandhi forms (external sandhi only) on listening comprehension tasks in Brazilian learners studying English as a Foreign Language (EFL). The learners in this study are Intermediate-level students at a language school in São Paulo. The study departed from students' difficulties to carry out EFL listening comprehension tasks (when the tasks were not over simplified). The participants in this study were divided into two groups. Students who received instruction on pre-listening tasks (they were the Control Group -CG) and students who received instruction on sandhi-forms (they were the treatment group - TG). The study looks at the teaching of sandhi-forms from three aspects: the instruction on sandhi-forms (assimilation, deletion, reduction and linking) itself; the teaching of sandhi forms in a systematic way; the contrast between listening comprehension tasks focusing on sandhi-forms and metalanguage tasks focusing on sandhi-forms. Results point to more gains to students who received instruction on sandhi , than to those students who worked on pre-listening tasks. The study also shows the pedagogical implications of the results, and suggestions for further research in the field.

L’oggetto principale delle attività di tesi è la caratterizzazione numerico-sperimentale di processi di colata in sabbia di ghisa sferoidale. Inizialmente è stata effettuata un’approfondita indagine bibliografica per comprendere appieno le problematiche relative all’influenza dei parametri del processo fusorio (composizione chimica, trattamento del bagno, velocità di raffreddamento) sulle proprietà microstrutturali e meccaniche di getti ottenuti e per valutare lo stato dell’arte degli strumenti numerici di simulazione delle dinamiche di solidificazione e di previsione delle microstrutture. Sono state definite, realizzate ed impiegate attrezzature sperimentali di colata per la caratterizzazione di leghe rivolte alla misura ed alla differenziazione delle condizioni di processo, in particolare le velocità di raffreddamento, ed atte a validare strumenti di simulazione numerica e modelli previsionali. Inoltre sono stati progettati ed impiegati diversi sistemi per l’acquisizione ed analisi delle temperature all’interno di getti anche di grandi dimensioni. Lo studio, mediante analisi metallografica, di campioni di materiale ottenuto in condizioni differenziate ha confermato l’effetto dei parametri di processo considerati sulle proprietà microstrutturali quali dimensioni dei noduli di grafite e contenuto di ferrite e perlite. In getti di grandi dimensioni si è riscontrata anche una forte influenza dei fenomeni di macrosegregazione e convezione della lega su microstrutture e difettologie dei getti. Le attività si sono concentrate principalmente nella simulazione numerica FEM dei processi fusori studiati e nell’impiego di modelli empirico-analitici per la previsione delle microstrutture. I dati misurati di temperature di processo e di microstrutture sono stati impiegati per la validazione ed ottimizzazione degli strumenti numerici previsionali impiegati su un ampio intervallo di condizioni di processo. L’impiego di strumenti affidabili di simulazione del processo fusorio, attraverso l’implementazione di correlazioni sperimentali microstrutture-proprietà meccaniche, permette la valutazione di proprietà e difettologie dei getti, fornendo un valido aiuto nell’ottimizzazione del prodotto finito e del relativo processo produttivo. / This work focuses on a numerical-experimental characterization of casting processes of sand ductile iron. Initially, a deep phase of literary review has been carried out in order to completely understand the effects of the process parameters (alloy chemical composition, melt treatment and cooling rates) on defects, microstructures and mechanical properties of castings and to evaluate the state of the art of the numerical instruments of simulation of solidification dynamics and microstructure prediction. Experimental casting equipments have been designed and developed in order to measure and control the cooling rates and to validate instrument of numerical simulation and microstructure prediction. Moreover, specific methods and instruments have been designed, tested and used in order to measure and analyze temperatures inside the central parts of castings, also in case of heavy sections. Metallographic samples of material, obtained with different conditions, have been studied by means of optical analysis in order to evaluate microstructural features gradient, verifying the effect of the considered process parameters on microstructures parameters such as dimension and distribution of graphite nodules and content of ferrite and pearlite. In heavy section castings, a strong influence of macrosegregation and convective phenomena on microstructures and defects was found. The main part of the activities focused on numerical simulation FEM of the performed casting processes. The measured data of temperatures and microstructures have been used for the validation and optimization of the numerical simulations and of the analytical-empirical models for microstructure prediction in a wide range of process condition. The use of reliable instruments for simulation of casting process, with the adding of the implementation of experimental correlation microstructures-mechanical properties, allows for the evaluation of final properties and defects of castings, giving an important help in the optimization of the final product and its relative production process.

Most discussions of English phonology argue that rhoticity and r-sandhi are necessarily in complementary distribution, citing the diachronic path that led to the loss of rhoticity and the resulting synchronic r ~ Ø alternations in non-rhotic dialects. However, some accounts suggest that ‘it would not be surprising to discover cases of intrusive-r in rhotic dialects’ (Harris 1994, see also Carr 1999, Uffmann 2007). In order to investigate how non-rhoticity and r-sandhi could be transmitted by dialect contact, this thesis uses data from speakers in five communities in Greater Manchester and East Lancashire. The locations are equally spaced along a twenty-mile route from Prestwich (a suburb of Manchester, where speakers are non-rhotic) to Accrington (a post-industrial mill-town which is on an ‘island of rhoticity’ (Britain 2009)). I show that individual speakers have variable levels of both rhoticity and r-sandhi, which matches research on early New Zealand English (Hay & Sudbury 2005). Beyond this key fact, I discuss several other aspects of the relationship between r-sandhi and rhoticity, including the phonological and dialectological significance of the patterns in the data. First, linking-r and intrusive-r have different distributions in my data, despite the typical claim that they are synchronically the same process. This supports the idea that speakers are sensitive to a difference between words with and without an etymological r: I attribute this to the influence of orthography and to sociolinguistic salience of intrusive-r. Second, the nature of my sample population allows me to consider both change in apparent time and variation across geographical space. An apparent time comparison of the distribution of non-rhoticity and intrusive-r in the five Lancashire locations shows that these features are spreading by wave diffusion: they reach nearby locations before they reach locations further away. However, there is also a pattern of urban hierarchical diffusion in which the most isolated and rural location, Rossendale, lags behind Accrington in its loss of rhoticity. This is examined in the light of local patterns of travel for work and leisure, which suggest that although Accrington is further than Rossendale from the non-rhotic ‘sea’ of surrounding speakers, socially constructed space is more significant than Cartesian distance in determining the amount of linguistic contact between speakers from different locations. Third, I show that levels of rhoticity are increasing for some young speakers in Rossendale, which supports the hypothesis that a local linguistic feature can have a ‘last gasp’ under pressure from a competing non-local feature before its eventual loss. However, the same speakers are also adopting intrusive-r more quickly than speakers from neighbouring areas and this is significant: while earlier research has suggested that the presence of hyperdialectal non-etymological r (e.g. lager [laôg@~]) can be an indication of a loss of rhoticity in progress, the East Lancashire data show a different situation, where non-etymological r is for the most part restricted to sandhi contexts. This shows that rather than r-colouring becoming part of the realisation of certain vowels (e.g. sauce [sO:ôs]), intrusive-r is becoming adopted as a hiatus-filling strategy: a phonological process is being used by some rhotic speakers independently of the loss of contrasts (e.g. Leda ~ leader) which caused it to emerge in non-rhotic dialects. I discuss these results in terms of sociophonology, which I use to convey the idea that the phonological process of hiatus-filling r-sandhi can spread through dialect contact, with a mixed phonological system emerging as a result. Although the data suggest a correlation between the loss of rhoticity and the development of r-sandhi, the nature of the overlap means that a phonological model must allow for speakers to have both features, even if rhoticity is eventually lost completely. Hay & Sudbury (2005) argue that the gradual development of linking and intrusive-r leading to their convergence to a single synchronic phenomenon ‘is not a process that can be well described by any categorical, phonological grammar’. I show that the current situation in East Lancashire speech can be described by existing phonological models with underlying representations and associated surface forms. These existing models do not rule out a parallel distribution for rhoticity and intrusive-r, in which individual speakers can have both features. This thesis provides some new dialectological data for an under-researched area of North West England, a discussion of phonological means of accounting for patterns in these data, and a discussion of the influence of socio-cultural spatiality on linguistic behaviour.

本文主要探讨苏州话的连续变调，研究范围限定为音译词和复合词这两类多音节词。通过对苏州话语料的详细考察，本文总结出苏州话多音节词连读变调存在三层变调行为：（i）首音节尽量保留原调;（ii）第二个音节的变调与首音节的单字调有关;（iii）其余音节负载一个低平调. / 本文针对舒声调为首音节的多音节词的变调规律，回答了如下问题：（i）苏州话连续变调为何存在三层变调行为，而非两层或者四层？（ii）首音节保持原调的变调行为及它较高的负载声调的能力是由什么决定的？（iii）其余音节所负载的变调是如何决定的？ / 经过分析，我们将苏州话的变调域确认为韵律词，其内部结构如下：每个韵律词的头两个音节构成一个左重双拍音步，剩余的音节不构成音步因而直接被韵律词所管辖。由此苏州话的三层变调行为可以通过这三类音节在韵律词中的不同地位来解释，即：（i）首音节是左重双拍步中的强音节; （ii）第二个音节是左重双拍步中的弱音节; （iii）其余音节因不属于音步而被韵律词直接管辖。 / 基于对苏州话韵律结构的分析，本文以优选论为框架从理论上统一解释苏州话的连续变调。首先忠实性制约条件“禁止删除强音节单字调和“禁止强音节单字调变化 解释了首音节尽量保留原调的变调行为。其次，“禁止复杂仄调“，“禁止升调“和“禁止弱音节负载仄调这些简约性制约条件解释了现今苏州话连读变调模式中不允许出现复杂仄调，升调和非首音节仄调的现象。再次，“尾音节连接低调解释了连读变调后韵律词尾音节所负载的低平调。 / 本文通过对音译词和复合词的分类考察，补充了前人对苏州话连读变调现象的描述。而且在以往理论研究的基础上，本文论证了苏州话的连读变调是由它的韵律结构所决定的，由此补足了苏州话变调现象的理论解释。最后，本文对苏州话的分析也进一步印证了韵律结构的层级关系和韵律单位是人类语言所共有的，但韵律单位的构建在不同语言中则各有不同。 / This thesis presents an optimality-theoretic account of Suzhou tone sandhi from a prosodic perspective. By investigating transliterations and compounds, we find a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior within a tone sandhi domain: (i) the initial syllable has the ability to retain its citation tone; (ii) the second syllable carries a sandhi level tone related to the citation tone in the initial syllable; and (iii) the remaining syllables carry a low level tone. / Focusing on the tone sandhi patterns with initial long tones, we answer the following research questions: (i) what determines the existence of a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior, rather than a two-way or four-way one? (ii) what determines the tone stability and the greater tone-bearing ability of the initial syllable? and (iii) how are the sandhi tones in the non-initial syllables determined? / The tone sandhi domain in Suzhou Chinese is identified as the prosodic word, which contains a single left-headed binary foot and unfooted syllables. The three-way distinction is then captured by the three prosodic states in a prosodic word: (i) the strong syllable in the left-headed binary foot within the prosodic word, (ii) the weak syllable in this foot, and (iii) the syllables which are unfooted and immediately dominated by the prosodic word. / Based on the analysis of Suzhou prosodic structure, our account of Suzhou tone sandhi is formulated within the framework of Optimality Theory. First, ranking the positional faithfulness constraints with reference to strong syllables higher than the context-free faithfulness constraints guarantees the tone stability of the initial syllables. Second, the undominated markedness constraints which require no complex contour tone and no rising tone trigger contour tone reduction and tone redistribution. Another undominated markedness constraint which requires no contour tone in weak syllables ensures no contour tones in a weak syllable, i.e. a non-initial syllable in Suzhou Chinese. Third, the final low level tone in the sandhi patterns is determined by the markedness constraint which requires low tone assignment in the rightmost syllable of a prosodic word. / This thesis complements the descriptive studies on Suzhou tone sandhi, by adding the data of transliterations and investigating compounds according to the morphological relations. It also confirms the idea in previous theoretical studies on Chinese languages that prosodic structure governs tone sandhi, including the tone stability in strong syllables and the greater tone-bearing ability of strong syllables. This thesis further corroborates the idea in Prosodic Phonology that the prosodic hierarchy and its constituent are universal, though the precise shape of the constituent are language-specific. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Shi, Xinyuan. / "November 2012." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts also in Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.I / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.I / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- OVERVIEW --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- PRELIMINARY: PHONETIC INVENTORIES OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: OPTIMALITY THEORY --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- Basic principles --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- Conflicts between markedness and faithfulness --- p.9 / Chapter 1.3.3 --- Alignment constraints --- p.9 / Chapter 1.4 --- ORGANIZATION --- p.10 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- INVESTIGATION OF TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- DESCRIPTIVE STUDIES ON TONAL PHONOLOGY OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Citation tones --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2 --- TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE: THE CURRENT INVESTIGATION . --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.1.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with long tones --- p.23 / Chapter 2.2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with short tones --- p.28 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.32 / Chapter 2.2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds I: modification --- p.34 / Chapter 2.2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds II: coordination --- p.38 / Chapter 2.2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds III: other morphological relations --- p.40 / Chapter 2.2.2.4 --- Intra-variations in disyllabic compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.42 / Chapter 2.2.2.5 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.H] --- p.44 / Chapter 2.2.2.6 --- Tone sandhi in a group of frequently used compounds --- p.46 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi in fast tempo --- p.50 / Chapter 2.3 --- SUMMARY --- p.53 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- PREVIOUS STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN CHINESE LANGUAGES --- p.57 / Chapter 3.1 --- STUDIES OF THE REPRESENTATION OF TONE WITHIN THE SPE FRAMEWORK --- p.57 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Wang’s (1967) ground-breaking proposal of tone features --- p.58 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Woo’s (1969) proposal of decomposing contour tones --- p.59 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Yip’s (1980) proposal of two pitch heights in each register --- p.61 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- Interim summary --- p.63 / Chapter 3.2 --- STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN NORTHERN WU WITHIN THE METRICAL-AUTOSEGMENTAL FRAMEWORK --- p.64 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Duanmu’s (1990) moraic analysis of tone re-association in New Shanghai --- p.65 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Ao’s (1993) identification of tone sandhi domain in Nantong Chinese --- p.66 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Interim summary --- p.69 / Chapter 3.3 --- STUDIES OF TONAL DISTRIBUTION WITHIN OT FRAMEWORK --- p.71 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Jiang-King’s (1996) tone-syllable weight correlation in Northern Min --- p.71 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Zhang’s (2001) tone-duration correlation in typological survey --- p.73 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Interim summary --- p.74 / Chapter 3.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.76 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- AN OPTIMALITY THEORETICAL ACCOUNT OF TONE SANDHI IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.77 / Chapter 4.1 --- IDENTIFYING THE TONE SANDHI DOMAIN --- p.78 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Identifying prosodic word as the tone sandhi domain --- p.78 / Chapter 4.1.1.1 --- Brief introduction of the prosodic hierarchy --- p.78 / Chapter 4.1.1.2 --- Prosodic categories relevant to Suzhou tone sandhi --- p.80 / Chapter 4.1.1.3 --- Construction of prosodic word in Suzhou Chinese --- p.82 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Identifying morpho-syntactic unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.86 / Chapter 4.1.2.1 --- Inadequacy of identifying morphological unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.89 / Chapter 4.1.2.2 --- The relation between tone sandhi domains and morphological units --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1.2.3 --- Mismatch between tone sandhi domain and syntactic unit --- p.93 / Chapter 4.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.95 / Chapter 4.2 --- CONSTRAINTS ON SUZHOU TONE SANDHI PATTERNS --- p.96 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Constraints on the structure of the prosodic word --- p.96 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Constraints on tone retention --- p.99 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Constraints on contour tone prohibition --- p.101 / Chapter 4.2.4 --- Constraint on tonal assignment --- p.102 / Chapter 4.3 --- PREDICTING TONE SANDHI PATTERNS BY CONSTRAINT RANKING --- p.104 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.104 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.110 / Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Intra-speaker variations in compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.110 / Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.L] --- p.113 / Chapter 4.3.2.4 --- Tone sandhi in fast speech tempo --- p.117 / Chapter 4.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.119 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONCLUSION --- p.120 / LIST OF REFERENCES --- p.125

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-148). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.