Remorse is an emotion that has historically been afforded some significance in Western culture. It continues to play a part in legal processes and is of interest for the rehabilitation of offenders. Remorse has been afforded little scholarly attention by psychologists, although some attention has been given to remorse in the study of emotion and in the study of the effect of remorse on social judgement. In this thesis, the psychology of remorse is reviewed in four areas: interpersonal judgment, judicial processes, psychotherapy, and the study of emotion. The study of remorse as an emotion and the effect of remorse on interpersonal judgment are investigated in three separate empirical studies and one meta-analysis. / thesis (PhD)--University of South Australia, 2001.

This study explored the experience of shame in nursing using an interpretive phenomenological approach as described by van Manen (1997). Shame is a concept that has been extensively theorised within the social sciences as important in the development of individual identity, self esteem and role performance but overlooked in nursing. The purpose of this research was twofold; to gain an understanding of how shame influences and shapes nursing identity and to produce knowledge and stimulate dialogue about what that means for nursing culture. Participants were asked to discuss significant interactions with colleagues. Significantly, all disclosed the experience of shame. Further, four major themes emerged from this study to deepen understanding of what appears to be a cultural experience. The experience of shame involves: self appraisal, professional identity in conflict, the experience of isolation and recrimination. Within each theme a number of sub themes were identified including feeling dumb, being incompetent, withdrawing and going quiet and seeking revenge. The study concluded that in relation to nursing, internalised shame is not readily recognised although negative emotions that are linked to it are clearly felt. When these emotions are left unprocessed or unidentified as shame, then they are likely to have negative consequences. But recognising this hidden shame and bringing it to conscious awareness can express and perhaps relieve shame. Further, shame's adaptive functions, to provide moral direction and teach respect, could be acknowledged or reclaimed. It is argued therefore that acknowledging and discussing shame openly in nursing, such as through future research, scholarships and education, will facilitate consciousness raising and the potential for cultural change.

<p>The aim of the study was to reach a deeper understanding and knowledge about how women with an experience of prostitution perceive what this has meant for them and how it has influenced their lives. The questions of the study were: (1) How has the prostitution experience affected the women in their lives? (2) How have they learnt to deal with this experience? To answer these questions a qualitative method was used where interviews were conducted with four women with experience of prostitution. All women experienced that the prostitution had affected their lives. Examples given that inter alia relationships, sexuality, and self-image had been affected. This is largely dependent on that prostitution is stigmatized in our society and, hence, shameful. The women have dealt with their prostitution through therapy for a long duration. Through it they have received a new point of view on themselves, their relationships and their life. Today they are content with their lives, even so they can see that they host and have been affected by their experience. The results of the study have been analyzed from a fenomenological-hermeunutic research perspective and the tools for the analysis were symbolic interactionism, stigma theory and shame. The results are in concordance with earlier studies.</p>

<p>The purpose of this study is to investigate mediation’s crime prevention effects. The question that has been answered is: which crime prevention effects mediation has had on young criminals who have participated in mediation programs? The investigation was made in relation to a comparable control group and included a reoffence analysis based on a multivariate analysis. This reoffence study mainly focuses on that the mediation prevents crime through the feelings of shame that the young perpetrator has due to the fact that the crime has been made clear and reinforced at the mediation meeting. The following hypothesis is addressed in this study: Mediation involves the trust between the young perpetrator and his/her parents and has a conflict-solving and crime-prevention effect. By committing a crime, the youth has broken the trust with his/her parents, who have condemned the action. The parents feel the shame from those around them, and because of this resume their position against the youth. The main conclusion is that the total population of youths who participated in mediation programs relapsed into crime to a lesser extent than the youths who did not participate in mediation. The risk for a relapse was twice as high for the youths who did not participate in mediation. A statistically significant relationship emerged between mediation and relapse with regard to party and person plaintiff status, but it is not possible to draw any conclusions whether mediation has a better or worse effect between plaintiff status. The significant effect of relapse for respective gender showed that girls relapsed to a lesser extent than boys. It was not possible to statistically determine whether the youths who were born abroad respective born i Sweden have relapsed to a greater extent. Regarding the age groups there was no statistically significant relationship as to whether youths relapsed to a greater or lesser extent depending on whether they were under or over fifteen years of age. Furthermore, it has not been possible to statistically determine whether group mediation has had a different outcome in relapse frequency as compared to individual mediation, and it has not been possible to distinguish whether compensation at mediation has had any effect. There emerged significant relationships between mediation and relapse for the crime categories ‘crime against life and health’, ‘crime against freedom and peace’, ‘burglary, robbery and other theft crimes’ and ‘vandalism’.</p>

<p>Ett nytt sätt att behandla panikångest i form av gruppterapi med KBT redovisas ur ett patientperspektiv. Gruppterapeutisk historia och beståndsdelar i KBT tas upp liksom skamkänslor, ”compliance” och ”holding”. Fem kvinnor och tre män ur olika terapigrupper och med olika bakgrund intervjuades om sina upplevelser. Deltagarnas förväntningar, erfarenheter av gruppsammansättning och gruppdynamik samt gruppens bidrag till personliga förändringar och insikter studerades. Materialet bearbetades genom begreppskategorisering. Farhågor och förväntningar på andra deltagare dominerade hos deltagarna inför terapin. Under terapins gång hade andra deltagare motiverat och uppvärderat varandras behandlingsarbete samt visat på att individen inte var ensam om sitt tillstånd. Ingen var helt fri från panikångest efter behandling men har kunnat återerövra delar av sitt liv. Alla planerade någon form av behandlingsfortsättning.</p>

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Many studies have been conducted on infanticide and child homicide. Researchers have approached the subject with different theoretical frameworks and explored it from different dimensions, geographical areas, and time periods. As much as the questions have varied so have the answers. This study contributes to greater clarity on the causes of infanticide. Despite numerous studies on the subject, there is still no consensus its causes. My aim has been to combine different strategies for understanding the subject. I have used material both from an aggregated level and from an individual level. The main question I sought to answer was whether social causes rather than individual factors force or trigger women to kill their newborn child? Court material also provides for an in-depth understanding of our history. The social sciences have frequently drawn sketches of the social world with big lines. These lines have been necessary and useful to point at large-scale transformations of civilisation and modernisation but, in terms of understanding real life, they can provide us with a foggy and even mistaken picture. When social scientists enter the historical archives and similar sources, we often blunder in its richness and variation. Society may, in any case, have always been complicated and the every day life for each person as well.</p><p>My findings show that infanticide signals low tolerance. In general, the women did not want to kill their own children. Moreover, my findings, like the results of other studies before mine, demonstrate that women who carry out infanticide represent normal women. To my knowledge, there isn’t one study on infanticide that claims the women were not normal. Women who committed infanticide did so out of fear: fear of losing their social bonds. They killed their children if the existence of the bonds was endangered or threatened. Often social bonds were related to their work situation as maids in farming households. If they couldn’t stay in the household after having the baby, many women had no where else to go. Their parents – poor, elderly or deceased – were unable to help. Sometimes the social bonds were threatened by other factors, often related to the child’s father. If he was already married or had a close relation with the woman’s family, their relationship could in fact, break her bonds to her own family and other relatives. Some women already had an illegitimate child. With a child out of wedlock, they had a difficult time getting work and housing. If they got pregnant again and the father to the new child refused to marry her or to support the child, she could in fact lack any resources for handling the situation.</p><p>Finally: the findings talk about honour and infanticide. It was always shameful to get a child out of wedlock. But demographic research from North of Sweden has shown that these children had almost the same chances of survival during their first year as legitimate children. Sexuality outside marriage was not respected but much discussion around honour was more related to how the women would manage with the child. In my findings, shame seems to be related to having no support. Extramarital relations were not accepted but people probably didn’t care to much about it as far as they managed on their own. Being rejected, helpless, not able to work and not able to take care of the child that was what shame was about.</p><p>Keywords: Infanticide, child homicide, illegitimacy, social bonds, shame</p>

<p>The aim of this thesis was the exploration of shame. Four experiments are among the very first to empirically test the validity of Tomkins' shame concept. The relation between internalized shame and memories of early interactions was examined, as well as Tomkins' concept of shame as an innate, momentary emotion. The influence of internalized shame as a personality trait on momentary shame emotion was also explored. Thirdly, how momentarily activated shame influences perception of self and others was studied. Finally, consequences of conscious versus unconscious shame activation was compared. </p><p>Data from two survey studies implied that memories of ignoring and abandoning behaviors from mother are those that correlate most strongly with internalized shame. In the four experimental studies, internalized shame did not seem to influence momentary shame emotion, although two experiments implied different reactions to the praise that constituted part of the shame activating sequence depending on degree of internalized shame. Two experiments in part supported Tomkins’ notion of shame as a consequence of impeded positive emotion. However, participants with a high degree of internalized shame reacted with shame emotion to the praise feedback intended to elicit positive emotion. Therefore Tomkins’ concept of shame was successfully tested only with participants with a low degree of internalized shame. With this group, Tomkins’ conceptualization, however, received support. In addition these two experiments implied different processes for consciously versus unconsciously activated shame, since consequences for social perception and self-image following shame were reversed depending on whether the activating circumstances were conscious or not. The two subsequent experiments did not support the conclusions from the previous two, but gave some implications that shame activation, its consequences, and the effects of conscious versus unconscious activation are highly dependent on personal characteristics and social context. </p><p>Taken together, data give some support to the validity of Tomkins’ shame conceptualization, but implies that it might be far too general, and that shame emotion might be primarily socially dependent.</p>

Thesis (M.S.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Marriage and Family Therapy, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-72).

ABSTRACT Many studies have been conducted on infanticide and child homicide. Researchers have approached the subject with different theoretical frameworks and explored it from different dimensions, geographical areas, and time periods. As much as the questions have varied so have the answers. This study contributes to greater clarity on the causes of infanticide. Despite numerous studies on the subject, there is still no consensus its causes. My aim has been to combine different strategies for understanding the subject. I have used material both from an aggregated level and from an individual level. The main question I sought to answer was whether social causes rather than individual factors force or trigger women to kill their newborn child? Court material also provides for an in-depth understanding of our history. The social sciences have frequently drawn sketches of the social world with big lines. These lines have been necessary and useful to point at large-scale transformations of civilisation and modernisation but, in terms of understanding real life, they can provide us with a foggy and even mistaken picture. When social scientists enter the historical archives and similar sources, we often blunder in its richness and variation. Society may, in any case, have always been complicated and the every day life for each person as well. My findings show that infanticide signals low tolerance. In general, the women did not want to kill their own children. Moreover, my findings, like the results of other studies before mine, demonstrate that women who carry out infanticide represent normal women. To my knowledge, there isn’t one study on infanticide that claims the women were not normal. Women who committed infanticide did so out of fear: fear of losing their social bonds. They killed their children if the existence of the bonds was endangered or threatened. Often social bonds were related to their work situation as maids in farming households. If they couldn’t stay in the household after having the baby, many women had no where else to go. Their parents – poor, elderly or deceased – were unable to help. Sometimes the social bonds were threatened by other factors, often related to the child’s father. If he was already married or had a close relation with the woman’s family, their relationship could in fact, break her bonds to her own family and other relatives. Some women already had an illegitimate child. With a child out of wedlock, they had a difficult time getting work and housing. If they got pregnant again and the father to the new child refused to marry her or to support the child, she could in fact lack any resources for handling the situation. Finally: the findings talk about honour and infanticide. It was always shameful to get a child out of wedlock. But demographic research from North of Sweden has shown that these children had almost the same chances of survival during their first year as legitimate children. Sexuality outside marriage was not respected but much discussion around honour was more related to how the women would manage with the child. In my findings, shame seems to be related to having no support. Extramarital relations were not accepted but people probably didn’t care to much about it as far as they managed on their own. Being rejected, helpless, not able to work and not able to take care of the child that was what shame was about. Keywords: Infanticide, child homicide, illegitimacy, social bonds, shame

The aim of the study was to reach a deeper understanding and knowledge about how women with an experience of prostitution perceive what this has meant for them and how it has influenced their lives. The questions of the study were: (1) How has the prostitution experience affected the women in their lives? (2) How have they learnt to deal with this experience? To answer these questions a qualitative method was used where interviews were conducted with four women with experience of prostitution. All women experienced that the prostitution had affected their lives. Examples given that inter alia relationships, sexuality, and self-image had been affected. This is largely dependent on that prostitution is stigmatized in our society and, hence, shameful. The women have dealt with their prostitution through therapy for a long duration. Through it they have received a new point of view on themselves, their relationships and their life. Today they are content with their lives, even so they can see that they host and have been affected by their experience. The results of the study have been analyzed from a fenomenological-hermeunutic research perspective and the tools for the analysis were symbolic interactionism, stigma theory and shame. The results are in concordance with earlier studies.